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SPEECHES 



OF 



OLIVER CROMWELL 



Oxford 

HORACE HART, PRINTER TO THE UNIVERSITY 



hew roe 



i[6RAflY 




OLIVER CROMWELL 

{From the Miniature by Cooper, in the Baptist College^ Bristol) 



SPEECHES 



OF 



OLIVER CROMWELL 



l\ 



1644-1658 



COLLECTED AND EDITED BY 

CHARLES L. STAINER, M.A. 

CHRIST CHURCH, OXFORD 



* NtW YOHK, K. 


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HENRY FROWDE 

OXFORD UNIVERSITY PRESS WAREHOUSE, AMEN CORNER, E.C 
NEW YORK: 91 & 93 Fifth Avenue 

1901 



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PREFACE 

These speeches have been collected with two dis- 
tinct objects in view. In the first place, it is thought 
that no proper idea of the Protector, as a speaker, 
can be obtained if attention only is paid to the last 
few years of his life. His activity extends from 
1629 to 1658, a fact which should not be alto- 
gether ignored simply because the historical material 
at our disposal is scanty. For this reason a begin- 
ning has been made with the year 1644, a date 
that should serve to remind readers of how much 
must be missing, for Cromwell surely took some part 
in the long constitutional debates that preceded the 
outbreak of the Civil War. And for this reason also, 
the ' substance ' of a large number of speeches has 
been included. These fragments give greater con- 
tinuity to the book, they enable us to form a more 
general estimate of Cromwell's speech-making, and to 
realize the poverty of our historical records. 

In the second place, it seems high time that some 
attempt should be made to gather together the actual 



vi PREFACE 

texts of these speeches, as at present existing, and not 
to present mere literary versions in which it is difficult 
to distinguish between speaker and author. Accord- 
ingly these speeches have been faithfully copied from 
the best available sources by the Editor, and all emen- 
dations and words inserted by him have been placed 
within brackets. This enables the reader to see at one 
glance the condition of the text, and to satisfy himself 
as to the value of the corrections made. Throughout 
the book this has been followed as a hard and fast rule, 
though in many cases the alterations are of the most 
trivial character. Further, no attempt has been made 
to alter the text where sense can possibly be made, or 
where the sentences are so confused as to make 
restoration impossible. The punctuation is mostly 
the Editor's, a necessity forced upon him by the 
extraordinary condition of most of the originals ; and 
the spelling is also modern. The book is thus a text- 
book, in reading which, though some assistance is 
offered, the reader must largely depend on his own 
knowledge and judgement. 

This being so, it naturally becomes a question of 
some interest whether the texts copied have any claim 
to be considered originals : that is to say, whether 
any of our MSS. were actually written at the time of 
the speeches. It will be noticed that a number of 
alternative readings have been added in the notes. 
These are but a few selected from an immense quan- 
tity, and it is quite astonishing to find so much 
diversity when one of the texts appears to be fairly 



PREFACE vii 

complete and grammatical. The only explanation 
that can be suggested is, that these versions were not 
taken down at the time of the speech, but are founded 
on original reports sufficiently difficult to decipher to 
permit of such variations. Such would be the case if 
the original reports were rapidly taken down in 
shorthand. We are not entirely without evidence 
to prove that this was so. In Clarke MS. 41, for 
instance (from which Speech 3 is taken), after the 
narrative of the proceedings of Skippon and the Com- 
missioners at Saffron Walden, we find this note : — 
'For the whole proceedings at this meeting, it is in 
shorthand, in the bundle upon Mr. Wragges Lettre, 
May 6th, 1647.' This speech then is, beyond doubt, 
a translation, the true original of which is now lost 
to us ; consequently we have no means of judging 
whether the translation is accurate or the text com- 
plete. We can only form the same opinion of Speeches 
4-8, for the Worcester College MS. N. 12 (formerly 
MS. lxvii), from which they are copied, is carefully 
written, and is in fact a collection, very similar to 
Clarke MS. 41, from which Speech 3 is taken. Fre- 
quent ' blanks ' in the sentences, and in some cases on 
whole pages, shew that the translator's task was no 
easy one, and yet it is important to observe that the 
result is a text very similar to that in several of our 
other MSS. Again, in Clarke MS. 27, we find the 
following reference to Speech 27, delivered on January 
22, 165I : — ' This day his Highnesse' speech was passed 
in order to the press, it being translated out of short, 



viii PREFACE 

but it wilbe Thursday next before it bee published.' 
This original is also missing, so that at present we rely 
solely on the printed copy of a translation from the 
shorthand. With this information, perhaps we shall 
not be far wrong in assuming that the marginal 
remark to Speech 34 in MS. Adds. Ayscough, 6125, 
'blanks for 2 lynes,' means that the writer was unable 
to translate the original before him. That he did copy 
is evident, as the MS. is a collection, though at present 
we have no other authority for the full text of this 
speech. 

However, whether we can prove that these speeches 
were originally taken in shorthand or not, we can 
very safely assert that nearly all the MSS. and autho- 
rities, on which we at present rely, are copies. The 
whole of the Clarke MSS., MS. Adds. Ayscough, 6125, 
Monarchy Asserted, and the pamphlets, are copied 
from documents now lost to us. Even the Lansdowne 
MSS. were correctly written out in order to be sent to 
Mr. Pell at Zurich. Anxious as we are to read the 
actual words of the Lord Protector, this conclusion 
comes as a grievous disappointment, especially when 
further investigation only tends to shew that such 
copies may not be either complete or reliable. Con- 
siderable difficulty seems to have been experienced at 
the time in furnishing these reports, caused no doubt 
by the originals being in shorthand. Difficulty and 
delay are not very favourable to accuracy, especially 
if the ' notes ' are mixed, hard to decipher, and the 
memory uncertain. For instance, in the Commons' 



PREFACE ix 

Journals, vii. p. 522, we find that on April 15, 1657, 
' The Notes upon the former meeting being not per- 
fectly transcribed, the Committee humbly pray some 
further time for the making of their report in that 
business/ that business being their conference with 
Cromwell on the ' humble Petition and Advice.' Then 
in the Diary of Thomas Burton, vol. ii. p. 351, we have 
the following reference to Speech 49 : — 'It held to night, 
that we could not see to write. Mr. Speaker desired 
me to take notes, and Mr. Smythe and I went to York 
House to Mr. Rushworth, that we might confer notes ; 
but it was so long that we could not get it ready to 
report it next morning.' In this case the result was 
unsatisfactory, for it became necessary to go to his 
Highness, who could not remember a word, and the 
speech did not go to the press. As we do not possess 
these ' notes,' we can hardly regard the text of this 
speech as reliable. This evidence, moreover, points to 
the fact that a great deal of time and attention were 
necessary before a version of a speech could be pro- 
duced, and that it was in reality arranged or edited. 
This is not very satisfactory, for we are quite unable 
to check the result. If the intention at the time was 
only to prepare suitable ( copy ' for the press, very 
little care is likely to have been taken to preserve the 
actual words, for the public seem to have been quite 
content with the ' substance.' Also, under such cir- 
cumstances the prejudice of the translators or editors 
might easily be exercised, as it undoubtedly has been 
in some sentences : mark for instance on p. 346 the 



x PREFACE 

additional remark from Monarchy Asserted, ' all are 
angry at it.' There are in addition a few considera- 
tions of a more general character that may help to 
explain the difficulties of reporting. The constant 
repetition of sentences throughout these speeches seems 
to shew that a system of relays of writers may have 
been resorted to. His Highness was no doubt a very 
rapid speaker; certainly he spoke at great length, 
usually from two to three hours, and some such 
system may have been found absolutely necessary. 
These repetitions seem to me to mark the points at 
which the writers picked each other up by agreement. 
The task of assembling the ' notes ' would then be 
comparatively easy, if everything went well ; but it 
must be noted that if the writers were not in full 
agreement or got confused, the task of assembling 
their notes would be a very difficult one. If the 
second writer began before his time long sentences 
would overlap, and if these were slightly different 
both might be introduced into the text. If he did 
not begin in time, sentences would be lost ; and in 
addition, the repetition-sentence being absent, it would 
become easy to displace whole paragraphs. Much 
would then depend on memory, and further delay 
would be caused by the necessity of translating the 
notes, if taken in shorthand, and writing out a correct 
version. As to the shorthand system employed, it 
may have been either Mr. Shelton's or Mr. Riche's ; 
both are good, though somewhat clumsy, and both 
require extreme accuracy. Finally, we must not 



PREFACE xi 

forget the possibility that the rooms in which his 
Highness spoke were inconveniently crowded, and 
very hot, so that it was not altogether easy to write. 
Thus in Speech 17 (p. 87) we read: — 'and therefore 
seeing you sit here somewhat uneasy by reason of the 
scantiness of the room and the heat of the weather, 
I shall contract myself with respect to that ; ' and 
again in Speech 34 (p. 21 1), Cromwell refers to the 
audience ' as certainly not being able long to bear that 
condition and heat that you are in.' Whilst in the 
case of some speeches it would seem as though no 
arrangements at all had been made to report his 
Highness, and that the versions are made up from 
hearsay. 

On the whole, the general conclusion must be that 
the original reports of these speeches are missing, 
that many circumstances doubtless conspired to make 
them difficult to decipher, and that there is no very 
great reason to suppose that our translations or copies 
of them are necessarily accurate. We must make 
the best of the texts left to us, but they do little 
justice to the man who seems to have been the 
greatest orator of his time. 

My best thanks are due to Mr. C. H. Firth for 
placing his transcripts of the Clarke MSS. at my 
disposal. To his kind encouragement and advice 
this book is largely due. I have also to thank the 
Librarian of Worcester College for depositing the 
Clarke MSS. in the Bodleian Library for my use ; 
and the Library Committee of the Common Council 



xii PREFACE 

of the City of London for permission to search their 
records. Here and elsewhere, however, my efforts to 
discover missing documents have met with but little 
success. My thanks are also due to the staff of the 
British Museum and the Bodleian for much courtesy. 
The portrait of Cromwell has been photographed by 
the Clarendon Press, Oxford, from a miniature in the 
possession of the Baptist College, Bristol ; the Presi- 
dent of that College, the Rev. W. J. Henderson, B.A., 
having very kindly given permission. 

C. L. S. 



LIST OF THE SPEECHES 



1. Dec. 9, 1644. 



3. May 16, 1647. 

4. July 16, „ 

5. Oct. 28, „ 

6. Oct. 29, ,, 

7. Nov. 1, „ 

8. Nov. 8, „ 

9. Jan. 3, 164I. 

10. Mar. 23, 164!. 

11. May 26, 1649. 

12. Aug. 15, „ 

13. May 31, 1650. 

14. June 25, „ 

15. January, 165^. 

16. May 20, 1653. 

17. July 4, „ 

18. Sept. 13, „ 

19. Dec. ai, ,, 

20. Jan. 5, i6 5 |. 

21. Feb. 15, „ 



Self-Denying Ordinance, House of 

Commons 1 

Ibid 1 

To Convention of Officers, Saffron Walden 3 

General Council of War, Beading . . 5 

General Council of Officers, Putney . 26 

Ibid 49 

Ibid 62 

Ibid 69 

Vote of No Addresses, House of Commons 70 

Command in Ireland, Whitehall . . 71 

Levellers, House of Commons ... 80 

Arrival at Dublin 80 

To Lord Mayor &c. of the City of London 81 

To Sir Thomas Fairfax .... 82 

To Council of Officers .... 85 
To Sheriff Estwicke &c. of the City of 

London 85 

To Convention Parliament ... 86 

Discourse with Lord Whitelocke . . 118 

To the new Council of State . . . 122 
To the Ministers of the French Church in 

London 122 

To the Dutch Commissioner, Beverning 123 



xiv LIST OF THE SPEECHES 

PAGE 

22. Apr. 18, 1654. To the Mayor of Guildford . . .124 

23. July 6, „ To Lord Whitelocke 124 

24. Sept. 4, ,, Opening of the first Protectorate Parlia- 

ment . ..... 127 

25. Sept. 12, „ Speech to Parliament .... 147 

26. Sept. 15, ,, To the Lord Mayor &c. of the City of 

London 172 

27. Jan. 22, 165*. Dissolution of the first Protectorate 

Parliament 173 

28. Feb. 8, „ To Scotch Members of the late Parliament 206 

29. July 13, 1655. To the Judges 206 

30. July 28, ,, To the Ambassador of Sweden . . 207 

31. Dec. 4-18, ,, Conference on admission of Jews . . 208 

32. Mar. 5, 165$. To the Lord Mayor &c. of the City of 

London ...... 208 

33. Sept. 6,1656. To the Officers of the Army . . .210 

34. Sept. 17, ,, Opening of the second Protectorate 

Parliament 211 

35. Nov. 27, „ After consenting to Bills .... 255 

36. Jan. 23, 165A Answer to congratulations of Parliament 256 

37. Feb. 28, „ Humble Petition and Advice ; Speech to 

Officers 261 

38. Mar. 31, 1657. Ibid., to Parliament when presenting 

the Bill 264 

39. Apr. 3, ,, Ibid., to Committee of Parliament . 268 

40. Apr. 8, ,, Ibid., to Parliament .... 273 

41. Apr. 11, ,, Ibid., to Committee of Parliament . 277 

42. Apr. 13, ,, Ibid., to Committee of Parliament . 288 

43. Apr. 20, ,, Ibid., to Committee of Parliament . 307 

44. Apr. 31, „ Ibid., to Committee of Parliament . 316 

45. May 8, ,, Ibid., to Parliament .... 350 

46. May 25, „ Ibid., to Parliament after consenting 

to the Bill 353 

47. June 9, ,, After consenting to Bills .... 356 



LIST OF THE SPEECHES xv 



PAGE 



48. Jan. 20,165!. Opening of second Session (with House of 

Lords) 357 

49. Jan. 25, „ Speech to the two Houses . . . 365 

50. Jan. 28, ,, Answer to Committee of the House of 

Commons 387 

51. Feb. 4, ,, Dissolution of Parliament . . . 388 

52. Feb. 6, „ Speech to the Officers of the Army . . 398 

53. Mar. 12, „ To the Lord Mayor &c. of the City of 

London 398 

54. Mar. 17, ,, Reply to the Address of the Lord 

Mayor, &c. ..... 401 

55. Apr. 17, 1658. Reply to Addresses 402 



SPEECHES OF CROMWELL 



Speech in the House of Commons, during the debate on 
the Self-Denying Ordinance, Dec. 9, 1644. 

'Mr. Speaker, 

I am not of the mind that the calling of the 
Members to sit in Parliament will break or scatter 
our armies. I can speak this for my own soldiers, 
that they look not upon me, but upon you, and for 
you they will fight, and live and die in your cause. 
And if others be of that mind that they are of, you 
need not fear them. They do not idolize me, but look 
upon the cause they fight for ; you may lay upon 
them what commands you please, they will obey your 
commands in that cause they fight for.' 

2. 

Speech in the House of Commons to Grand 
Committee, Dec. 9, 1644. 

1 It is now time to speak or for ever hold the tongue. 
The important occasion now is no less than to save 
a nation, out of a bleeding, nay, almost dying condi- 

B 



2 DEC. 9, 1644 

tion, which the long continuance of this war hath 
already brought it into ; so that without a more 
speedy, vigorous, and effectual prosecution of the war, 
— casting off all lingering proceedings, like those of 
soldiers of fortune beyond the sea, to spin out a war, — 
we shall make the kingdom weary of us, and hate the 
name of Parliament. 

For what do the enemy say? Nay, what do many 
say that were friends at the beginning of the Parlia- 
ment ? Even this, that the Members of both Houses 
have got great places and commands and the sword 
into their hands, and, what by interest in the Parlia- 
ment, what by power in the Army, will perpetually 
continue themselves in grandeur, and not permit the 
war speedily to end, lest their own power should 
determine with it. This I speak here to our own faces, 
is but what others do utter abroad behind our backs. 
I am far from reflecting on any. I know the worth 
of those Commanders, Members of both Houses, who 
are yet in power ; but if I may speak my conscience 
without reflection upon any, I do conceive if the Army 
be not put into another method, and the war more 
vigorously prosecuted, the people can bear the war 
no longer, and will enforce you to a dishonourable 
peace. 

But this I would recommend to your prudence, not 
to insist upon any complaint or oversight of any 
Commander-in-chief upon any occasion whatsoever. 
For as I must acknowledge myself guilty of oversights, 
so I know they can rarely be avoided in military 



MA Y 16, 1647 3 

matters. Therefore, waiving a strict inquiry into the 
cause of these things, let us apply ourselves to the 
remedy, which is most necessary. And I hope we 
have such true English hearts, and zealous affections 
towards the general weal of our Mother Country, as 
no Members of either House will scruple to deny 
themselves, and their own private interests, for the 
public good ; nor count it to be a dishonour done to 
them, whatever the Parliament shall resolve upon in 
this weighty matter.' 



3. 



To the Convention of Officers, in Saffron Walden 
Church, Sunday, May 16, 1647. 

{ Gentlemen, 

By the command of the Major- General 1 I will 
offer a word or two to you. 

I shall not need to remind you what the occasion 
of this meeting was, and what the business we are 
sent down about. You see, by what has passed, that 
it was for us to learn what temper the Army was in : 
and truly to that end were the Votes of the Parlia- 
ment communicated to you by us, that you should 
communicate them to the Army, that so we might 
have an account from you. That account is received, 
but, it being in writing and consisting of so many 

1 Skippon. 
B % 



4 MA Y 16, 1647 

particulars, we do not yet know what the contents 
of those papers are. But this I am to let you know, 
that we shall deal very faithfully, through the grace 
of God, with those that have employed us hither, and 
with you also. 

The further consideration of these businesses will 
be a work of time. The Major- General and the rest 
of the gentlemen think it not fit to necessitate your 
stay here from your several charges, but because there 
may be many particulars that may require further 
consideration in these papers that are here represented, 
it is desired that you would stay here, a Field-Officer 
at the least of every regiment, and two Captains. 
For the rest it is desired of you, that you would repair 
to your several charges, and that when you are there 
you would renew your care and diligence in pressing 
[on] the several soldiers under your commands the 
effect of those Votes that you have already read 1 : 
that likewise you would acquaint them as particu- 
larly with those two things that the Major- General 
did impart to you, which he had in a letter from the 
Speaker of the House of Peers, to wit, the addition of 
a fortnight's pay, a fortnight to those that are to go 
for Ireland, and a fortnight to those that do not go : 
and likewise there is an Act of Indemnity, very full, 
already passed the House of Commons. 

Truly, gentlemen, it will be very fit for you to have 
a very great care in the making the best use and 

1 This sentence from ' that you would repair' is repeated in the MS., but 
begins i that likewise you would repair.' 



JULY 16, 1647 5 

improvement that you can, both of the Votes and of 
this that hath been last told you, and of the interest 
which all of you, or any of you, may have in your 
several respective regiments, namely to work in them 
a good opinion of that authority that is over both us 
and them. If that authority falls to nothing, nothing 
can follow but confusion. You have hitherto fought 
to maintain that duty \ and truly as you have vouch- 
safed your hands in defending that, so now [you 
cannot fail] to express your industry and interest to 
preserve it. And therefore I have nothing more 
to say to you. I shall desire that you will be pleased 
to lay this to heart that I have said.' 



Speeches at a General Council of "War, Reading, 
July 16, 1647. 

Lieutenant- General Cromivell ' moved for a Com- 
mittee, many things then not being fit for debate and 
the Council of War to be adjourned till the after- 
noon.' 

The speeches which follow are so briefly reported, that 
their meaning is hard to determine. In discussing whether 
there should be a present debate or not, the speakers seem 
to have had different objects in view ; the consideration 
of the reasons which led to the drawing of the Paper, 
the sending of the Paper to Parliament at once, and the 
necessity of inarching straightway on London. 

1 i.e. respect for Parliamentary authority ; or perhaps read, 'authority.' 



6 JUL Y 16, 1647 

Lieutenant- General Cromwell. 

' Marching up to London is a single proposal, yet it 
does not drop from Jupiter, as that it should be pre- 
sently received and debated without considering our 
reasons. For I hope this will ever be in the Agitators, 
I would be very sorry to flatter them, I hope they 
will be willing that nothing should be done but with 
the best reason, and with the best and most unanimous 
concurrence. And though we have this desire backed 
with such reasons, certainly it was not intended [to 
say] we had no reason to weigh those reasons, for 
I think we shall be left to weigh these reasons. All 
this Paper is filled with reason, the dissatisfaction 
in particulars, the disadvantages of removal from 
London, the advantages of marching towards London ; 
you are ripe for a conclusion and get a conclusion, 
but let this be offered to the General and Council 
of War.' 

Colonel Rainborow thought it would be better to defer 
the debate till five or six o'clock, so that they might have 
time to consider. Ireton seems to have said that the 
Agitators were proposing to seize the power to settle their 
own desires, when the proper business of the Army was to 
give settlement to the nation; 'there are some things 
prepared for that purpose *,' and he would be glad if those 
would assist, who ' know any particulars to be added ' ; he 
thought they ought to decide what they meant to do with 
their power when they had it. 

1 Refers to the ' Heads of the Proposals '; means that the constitutional 
settlement should come before the settlement of grievances. 



JUL Y 16, 1647 7 

Lieutenant- General Cromivell. 

'I desire we may withdraw and consider. Dis- 
courses of this nature will, I see, put power into the 
hands of [many] x that cannot tell how to use it, [and] 
of those that are likely to use it ill. I wish it 2 with 
all my heart in better hands, and I shall be glad to 
contribute to get it into better hands. And if any 
man or company of men will say that we do seek our- 
selves in doing this, much good may it do him with 
his thoughts. It shall not put me out of my way. 

The meeting at six a-clock, it is not to put an end 
to this business of meeting 3 , but I must consult with 
myself before I consent to such a thing ; but really 
to do such a thing [I must consult] before I do it. 
And whereas the Commissary [-General] 4 does offer 
that these things were [wrongly] desired before satis- 
faction be given to the public settlement, there may 
be a conveniency of bringing in that 5 to the Council 
of War next sitting, if it be ready and thought fit to 
be brought in. If these other things be in preparation 
we may bring them in, that we may not be to seek 
for a Council of War, if we had our business ready.' 

Captain Clarke said, ' the sense of these gentlemen present 
is no other than what is for the good of the kingdom ' ; if 
power be misplaced, we have good reason to put it into 
other hands. Mr. Allen wished to use force and seize the 
power ; he referred to Ireton's suggestion as ' the desire of 
those that have the power or the greatest part of it in their 

1 ' any ' in text. 2 The poicer. 

3 Perhaps this business of 'marching,' or the ' business of this meeting.' 

4 Ireton. 5 i.e. the scheme for settlement. 



JUL Y 16, 1647 

hands, to carry on things that they may have power ' : he 
thought this was picking a quarrel. Ireton retorted that 
such statements were much more likely to cause quarrels ; 
that no knavery was intended when he said that he wished 
to give ' some real taste of that which we intend for the 
satisfaction of the kingdom, and what we would do with 
that power if we had it in our hands . . .' After further 
debate, a Committee was chosen to look over Engage- 
ments. 



[Afternoon.] 

L ieutenant- General Cromwell. 

1 If you remember there are in your Paper five 
particulars that you insist upon. Two of them are 
things new, that is to say, things that yet have not 
been at all offered to the Parliament or their Commis- 
sioners, that is the second and the fourth ; the second 
which concerns the Militia of the City, and the fourth 
which concerns the release of those prisoners that 
you have named in your Paper, and a consideration 
to be had concerning those that are imprisoned in the 
several parts of the kingdom, of whom likewise you 
desire a consideration might be had now the Judges 
are riding their circuits. 

To the first, this account; that upon your former 
Paper delivered, and upon the weight and necessity 
of the thing, there has been a very serious care taken 
by the General, he having, as I told you to-day, 
referred the preparing of somewhat concerning that 
for the Parliament to Colonel Lambert and myself; 
and an account of that has been ffiven to the General 



JULY 16, 1647 9 

at our meeting in the inner room, and, if it please 
you, that which has been in preparation may be read 
together with the reason of it. That paper that now 
it is desired it may be read to you, part of it is an 
answer to a former paper that was sent to the Com- 
missioners concerning the exclusion of the Reformadoes 
out of the lines of communication and the purging of 
the House of Commons, and the discharging or sending 
away into Ireland [those men that] : had deserted the 
Army. The General did order a paper to that purpose 
to be sent to the Commissioners, and that paper that 
now is to be read to you [is part] of a reply to the 
Commissioners, and there is an addition of this busi- 
ness concerning the Militia with the reasons to enforce 
the desire of it. 

[The papers read.] 



Care taken of all of them only two, which are 
concerning the suspending of the eleven Members and 
the discharging of prisoners. 

I am commanded by the General to let you know 
in what state affairs stand between us and the Parlia- 
ment, and into what way all things are put. 'Tis 
very true that you urge in your Papers concerning 
that effect that an advancing towards London may 
have, and of some supposed inconveniences that our 
drawing back thus far may bring upon us, but I shall 

1 ' that men ' in text. 



10 JUL Y 16, 1647 

speak to that presently. Our businesses they are put 
into this way, and the state of our business is this. 
We are now endeavouring, as the main of our work, 
to make a preparation of somewhat that may tend to 
a general settlement of the peace of the kingdom and 
of the rights of the subject, that justice and righteous- 
ness may peaceably flow out upon us ; that is the 
main of our business. These things are but prepara- 
tory things to that that is the main. And you [also] 1 
remember very well that this, that is the main work 
of all, was brought to some ripeness. The way that 
our business is in, is this. For the redressing of these 
things, it [is] a Treaty ; a Treaty with Commis- 
sioners sent from the Parliament down hither, to the 
end that an happy issue may be put to all these 
matters that so much concern the good of the king- 
dom ; and therein our good is, so that they must be 
finished in the way of a Treaty. The truth of it is, 
you are all very reasonably sensible that if those 
things were not removed, that, we think, may lose us 
the fruit of a Treaty and the fruit of all our labours ; 
it is in vain to go on with a Treaty, and it is dangerous 
to be deluded by a Treaty. And therefore I am 
confident of it, that lest this inconveniency should 
come to us, lest there should come a second war, lest 
we should be deluded by a long Treaty, your zeal hath 
been stirred up to express in your Paper that there 
is a necessity of a speedy marching towards London 
to accomplish all these things. Truly I think that 

1 ' co ' in text. 



JULY 16, 1647 11 

possibly that may be that, that we shall be necessitated 
to do. Possibly it may be so, but yet I think it will 
be for our honour and our honesty to do what we can 
to accomplish this work in the way of a Treaty ; and 
if I were able to give you all those reasons that lie in 
the case, I think it would satisfy any rational man 
here. For certainly that is the most desirable way, 
and the other a way of necessity, and not to be done 
but in way of necessity. And truly instead of all 
reasons let this serve, that whatsoever we get by 
a Treaty, whatsoever comes to be settled upon us in 
that way, it will be firm and durable, it will be con- 
veyed over to posterity as that that will be the greatest 
honour to us that ever poor creatures had, that we 
may obtain such things as these are which we are 
now about. And it will have this in it too, that 
whatsoever is granted in that way it will have firm- 
ness in it. We shall avoid that great objection that 
will lie against us, that we have got things of the 
Parliament by force, and we know what it is to have 
that stain lie upon us. Things, though never so good, 
obtained in that way, it will exceedingly weaken the 
things both to ourselves and to all posterity. And 
therefore I say, upon that consideration, I wish we 
may be well advised what to do. I speak not this 
that I would persuade you to go about to cozen one 
another, it was not in the General's nor any of our 
hearts. 

[It is resolved] that we that are Commissioners 
should be very positive and peremptory to have these 



12 JULY 16, 1647 

things 1 immediately granted, I believe within the 
compass of that time which your Papers mention, 
within so many days. And for the other two things 
that they take no care of, that is the Members im- 
peached [and the prisoners], these are two additional 
[things] which will be likewise taken care of, to be 
considered, and answered [by the Parliament] not 
with words and votes but with content and action. 
For there 2 needs no more of our representing of them, 
than these papers that have been read. In effect there 
hath been consideration had of the matters in your 
Papers, and answer given by the way proposed. And 
if these be not granted in a convenient time, [within 
some few days, we shall] yet [be] put 3 in such a way, 
in [to] taking such a course of doing things, as you 
have proposed. Sooner than that we could not have 
put ourselves into a posture of doing. 

I hope in God that if we obtain these things in this 
way we propose to you and this convenient time, that 
we shall think ourselves very happy that we have not 
gone any other way for the obtaining them. That 
which we seek [is] to avoid the having of a second 
war and the defeating of those [things] that are so 
dear to us, whose interest ought to be above our lives 
to us. If we find anything tending that way, to delay 
us or disappoint us of those honest things we are to 
insist upon, I hope it cannot nor shall not be doubted 
that the General nor any of us will be backward for 

1 i. e. the Bequests before the General Settlement. 2 ' their' in text. 

3 ' time you are yet put ' in text. 



JUL Y 16, 1647 13 

the accomplishment of those things we have proposed. 
It remains that you have some short account, as the 
time will bear, of that that has been so long in pre- 
paration, which is that that tends to the general 
settlement of [the kingdom] 1 , and the General hath 
commanded the Commissioners to let you have a brief 
state of that.' 

Cromwell thus intimated, that the general settlement, 
drawn up by Ireton, though not yet produced, was to be 
proceeded in by Treaty, but that the Paper was to be per- 
emptorily demanded, though nominally under the name 
of a Treaty. This led to some misunderstanding. Capt. 
Clarke thought that the presenting of the Paper by Treaty 
would prove more dilatory than if it came from the hands 
of the Army immediately ; further, that the ' preparations 
in order to the rights and liberties of the subject' might 
prove in some measure obstructive to the present proceed- 
ings ; that there were good laws already, and it would be 
better to insist ' on good and wholesome executors of 
them ' ; a Treaty might prove delusive ; we desire to pre- 
sent these things ' as immediately from us and from this 
honourable Council and by the Agitators, which we con- 
ceive will put vigour and strength to the business,' &c. 

Lieutenant- General Cromwell. 

' I may very easily mistake that which the other 
Officer offered to your Excellency [as to] 2 par- 
ticulars which might receive retardment or obstruc- 
tion by carrying them on in the way of Treaty. 
I mentioned indeed particulars, which were that of 
the eleven Members and that of the prisoners, and 

1 ' that' in text. 2 ' two ' in text. 



14 JULY 16, 1647 

meant by [referring to] those, that [they] should go 
as the sense of the whole Army. He conceives it 
will add vigour and strength to the desire, and 
make our desires more easily granted, [to] 1 present 
not only those but all the rest, if it be so all the rest 
will be obstructed if they go by way of Treaty. There 
may be perhaps some mistake or forgetfulness in that 
which I offered to you. I think truly there is no 
objection lies in that which is said. For so far as 
I know and discern of these things and the way of 
management of them, if we convey [this Paper] to 
the Commissioners, and by them to the Parliament 
as the sense of the whole represented by the Agitators 
to the General, and assented to by the Council of 
War, — and [it] so becomes the sense not only of the 
Army that is the offended party, but also [of] the 
commanding party of it, — and [if] we represent it to 
them with that positiveness that hath been spoken of, 
to expect an answer within some few days, that is to 
say so fast as they can have it consulted, we may call 
this a Treaty, but I think it signifies nothing else but 
what that gentleman speaks of to be sent up to 
London, to which we are [to] desire an answer and 
expect [it] within so short a time. And therefore 
for my part I think they differ in nothing but words 
and not in substance. 

I suppose there are resolutions not to enter upon 
a further Treaty till we have an answer to these 

1 2IS. leaves small blank between l granted ' and ' present.' 



JULY 16, 1647 15 

things, and if you have patience to hear that which is 
offered you to be acquainted with from the Commis- 
sary-General, I suppose that business may be so dis- 
posed of, as that it may be seen to all the world that 
it is [as] effectual [a] 1 means to procure these things 
to be granted, as marching to London would do. 
Therefore I shall desire that if it please the General, 
that you may have an account of that other business 
by the Commissary-General 2 .' 

Mr. Allen admitted the care and diligence of the Officers 
in these transactions, but regretted the indifl'erence of 
Parliament ; no doubt a Treaty on this Paper, as well as 
the Settlement, would be honourable, but patience is ex- 
pended ; it is useless to prepare or propose the Paper, if 
Parliament has no intention of granting it ; ' our speedy- 
advance towards them would be a preparation to attain 
a speedy and a most effectual answer,' &c. 

L ieutenant- General Cromiuell. 

'If that that I say of the Treaty be applied to 
one thing which I mean of another, then there may 
haply 3 be a very great misunderstanding of me. But 
[if] that which I speak of Treaty, that relates to those 
things that are prepared for a general settlement of 
the kingdom, be applied to the obtaining of these 
things which are to precede a Treaty, [it] is that, 
that I have said to you, hath been mistaken through- 
out, instead 4 of giving me satisfaction of that point, 

1 ' an effectual ' in text. 

2 ' That the Commissary- General may by you have an account of that other 
business ' in text. 

3 ' happily ' in text * ' and instead ' in text. 



16 JUL Y 16, 1647 

which sticks on so with every one, of danger and 
delay. But that which I say of Treaty \ in answer 
to that [that] is offered in your Paper, [is], that we 
should obtain these by positive demand within a cir- 
cumscribed time and going of the Commissioners. 
Yet using the name will not offend if we do not the 
things, that is [if] we do not treat of those things. 

Give me leave to offer one thing to your considera- 
tion, which I see you make to be your ground of 
marching towards London, because it came in my mind, 
I am sorry I did it, but this came in my mind, and 
I would not offer it you but because I really know it 
is a truth. We are, as our friends are elsewhere, very 
swift in our affections and desires, and truly I am 
very often judged for one that goes too fast that way, 
and it is the property of men that are, as I am apt to 
be, full of apprehensions that dangers are not so real as 
imaginary. [If we are] to be always making haste, and 
more sometimes perhaps than good speed, we are apt 
to misapprehensions that we shall be deluded through 
delay, and that there are no good intentions in the 
Parliament towards us ; and that we gather from the 
manifold bearing of those words that we have repre- 
sented to them. Give me leave to say this to you, 
for my own part perhaps I have as few extravagant 
thoughts, overweening [thoughts], of obtaining great 
things from the Parliament as any man, yet it hath 
been in most of our thoughts that this Parliament 

1 i. e. what I mean when I speak of Treaty. 



JULY 16, 1647 17 

might be a reformed and purged Parliament, that 
we might see men looking at public and common 
interests only. This was the great principle we had 
gone upon, and certainly this is the principle we did 
march upon when we were at Uxbridge, and when we 
were at St. Albans ; and surely the thing was wise 
and honourable and just, and we see that providence 
hath led us into that way. It is thought that the 
Parliament does not mend. What is the meaning of 
that? That is to say, that company of men that sits 
there does not mean well to us. There is a party 
there that have been faithful from the sitting of the 
Parliament to this very day, and we know their 
interest and [how they] have ventured their lives 
through so many hazards. They came not to the 
House but under the apprehension of having their 
throats cut every day. If we well consider what diffi- 
culties they have passed, [I hope] that we may not 
run into that extreme of thinking too hardly of the 
Parliament. If we shall consider that their business 
of holding their heads above water is the common 
work, and [that] every other day and to-day that 
which we desire is that which they have struggled for 
as for life — and sometimes they have been able to 
carry it, others not, and yet daily they get ground — 
if we [desire to] see a purged Parliament, I pray let 
me persuade every man that he would be a little apt 
to hope the best. And I speak this to you as out of 
a clear conscience before the Lord, I do think that 
[this party in] the Parliament is upon the gaining 

c 



18 JULY 16, 1647 

hand, and that this work that we are now upon 
tends to make them gain more. And I would wish 
that we might remember this always, that [whatever] 
we and they gain in a free way, it is better than 
twice so much in a forced, and will be more truly 
ours and our posterity's. And therefore I desire not 
to persuade any man to be of my mind, but I wish 
that every man would seriously weigh these things.' 

Mr. Allen thought many had the same thoughts and 
hopes, but could not agree that their friends in Parliament 
were upon the gaining hand ; he thought them the losers, 
and that if no steps were taken to march on London, they 
would be lost past recovery. Ireton thought that some 
reasons might have been offered in support of this view ; 
for his part he thought them the gainers as the House was 
' daily upon those Votes,' and ' we should have some love 
towards them' ; as to presenting the requests in the name 
of the Army, that would be more effectual than a Treaty, 
and doubtless save further delay ; but why had there been 
delay ? The fault was largely their own ; they were pre- 
paring proposals for a general settlement, as all knew, 
yet he observed that those who complained most of delay 
had not tendered anything to the Commissioners by way of 
helping them on ; he was completely against marching on 
London except they had some adequate reason ; on the 
previous occasion that had been so, but now that they had 
gained so much force was unnecessary. 

Mr. Allen answered as to the latter statement, that 
doubtless they had previously acted on better grounds ; 
but that if Parliament had owned their Army,. it was mere 
pretence, as they suffered both press and pulpit to abuse 
them ; and that if the eleven Members were excluded, 
these gentlemen were able to do as much harm elsewhere ; 
however, it was of no consequence for the Army to discuss 
the new position if they had no power. 



JULY 16, 1647 19 

Lieutenant-General Cromwell. 

' This I wish in the general, that we may all of us 
so demean ourselves in this business that we speak 
those things that tend to the uniting of us, and that 
we do none of us exercise our parts to strain things 
and to let in things to a long dispute, or to unnecessary 
contradictions, or to the stirring up of any such seed 
of dissatisfaction in one another's minds, as that may 
in the least render us unsatisfied one in another. 
I do not speak this that anybody does do it, but I say 
this ought to become both you and me, that we so 
speak and act as that the end may be union and 
a right understanding one with another. And truly 
if I thought that which was last spoken by Mr. Allen 
had been satisfactory to that end for which he spake 
it, I should not have said anything to you. But for 
that [answer] which he made to the Commissary- 
[General] of the Parliament's owning of us, — and what 
a thing that was to us, and how much tending to the 
peace of the kingdom ! — [as to] what they do own 
[us in], to say or to think it is but a titular thing 
that, and [to] think [they do it] but in name only, 
I think is a very great mistake. For really it did 
at that time lay the best foundation could be ex- 
pected for the preventing an absolute confusion in 
this kingdom, and I think if we had not been satisfied 
in that, we should not have been satisfied in anything. 
And to think that this is any weighty argument, — it 
is but titular, — because they suffer scandalous books 
[to] flock up and down ! I would not look they should 

ca 



20 JULY 16, 1647 

love us better than they love themselves, and how 
many scandalous books go out of them? 1 And we 
have given them and the Parliament more to do than 
to attend [to] scandalous books. I hope that will not 
weigh there with any man, and I desire that we may 
put this debate to a conclusion, or else let us answer 
these things that are really and weightily objected, 
as truly that was [not]. They had given us as real 
a testimony [in] that ; they cannot give more. They 
cannot disown us without the losing of all rational 
and honest people in the kingdom ; and therefore let 
us take it as a very great and high owning of us, let 
us not disown that owning, if any man would by that 
which was objected. We would have peace, a perfect 
settlement of all we seek, and we would march to 
London to say we forced them ! Really, really, have 
what you will have, that you have by force I look 
upon it as nothing. I do not know that force is to 
be used, except we cannot get what is for the good of 
the kingdom without force. And [yet] all the argu- 
ments must tend to this, that it is necessary to use 
force, to march up with the Army, and not to tarry 
four days [unless] we shall be baffled, denied, and 
shall never march up ! if the argument was not thus ? 
But [I pray you], still be patient and suffer even to 
have the ruin of the kingdom as hath been imagined, 
and expect a speedy answer [to that] which hath been 
offered, and [do not go about] to make that critical to 

1 i. e. what a great number of scandalous boolts there are against Parlia- 
ment of which no notice is toSmx. 



JULY 16, 1647 21 

us whether they own us or intend to perfect the 
settlement. As we expect the kingdom would be 
saved if we do march within four days, if we had 
these things granted to us, if these things be granted 
to us, we may march to York. I wish we may respite 
our determination till that four or five days be over, 
till we see how things will be, except we will urge 
reasons to show it to be of absolute necessity to all 
those ends to determine just now that we will march 
up to London to-morrow or next day. I am sorry 
that we be not satisfied with that which hath been 
proposed as to this very thing, and if having had 
assurance these things were put into such a way as 
hath been offered to you, that you will rest contented 
with this as at this time, except } 7 ou will show us 
some absolute reasons.' 

Major Tulida thought the Lieutenant-General had put it 
to a good issue ; he was in favour of the honourable way of 
Treaty, but was bound to say, though he did not blame the 
Commissioners, that ' we are no further than where we 
were at Uxbridge ' ; why were we so afraid to speak of 
force? 'We cannot have anything unless by the way of 
advancing to London.' 

Lieuten ant- General Cromwell. 

' Truly the words spoken by Major Tulida were 
with affection, but we are rational [and] 1 I would 
fain know with what reason or colour of reason he 
did urge any reason but only with affirmation of 
earnest words. But for that Declaration of Parliament, 

1 ' but ' in text. 



22 JULY 16, 1647 

that the Parliament hath owned us and taken off 
that any man can legally or rationally charge us with, 
if that upon his apprehensions or any man's else we 
shall quarrel with every dog in the street that barks 
at us and suffer the kingdom to be lost with such 
a fantastical thing, I desire that nothing of heat or 
earnestness may carry us here, nor nothing of affirma- 
tion nor nothing of that kind may lead us, but that 
which is truly reason and that which hath life and 
argument in it. By that which was alleged of our 
marching to Uxbridge, [that thereby] we opened 
those honest men's mouths to speak for us, this is not 
to be answered with reason, but this is a matter of 
fact, and better known to some of us than it is to 
Major Tulida or any of you. Tis true there was 
a fear and an awe upon the Parliament by our 
marching to Uxbridge, there was something of that, 
for that those eleven Members were afraid to be in 
the House. If you will believe, not that which is 
a fancy, they have voted very essential things to their 
own purging ; and I believe this, — if we will believe 
that which is the truth in fact, — upon that very one 
vote that was passed concerning the putting a fine 
or penalty [on those] that knew themselves to be 
guilty and that if they did not go out should accuse 
themselves to be liable to sequestration, I believe 
there will go twenty or thirty men out of the House 
of Commons. And if this be [not] an effect and 
demonstration of the happy progress, and by that use 
of that liberty that they have had by our drawing 



JULY 16, 1647 23 

near, I appeal to any man. And if they shall, as 
I said before, disown us and we give them no cause 
to do it, but pressing only just and honourable and 
honest things from them, judge you what can the 
world think of them and of us ? But [if] we shall do 
that, whilst we are upon the gaining hand, that shall 
really stop their mouths to open their mouths in 
a [little] l for us ; [if we shall do] that, whilst they 
are as fast as they can gaining the things we desire, 
if we shall be so impatient, that whilst they are 
struggling for life [we say] that they are unable to 
help us, and [that though they have] gained more 
within these three days than in ten days, for aught 
I know we may by advancing stop their mouths. 
They will not have wherewithal to answer that 
middle party in the House who is answered with this 
reason, You see the Army is contented to go backward, 
you see the Army is willing to make fair representa- 
tions of that they have from us. I profess, I speak it 
in my conscience, that if we should move until we 
had made these proposals to them and see what 
answer they will give them, we shall not only disable 
them, but divide among ourselves ; and I as much 
fear that as anything. And if we should speak to 
your satisfactions, you must speak to our satisfactions. 
Though there be great fears of others, I shall very 
much question the integrity of any man [that thinks 
otherwise] ; I would not have it spoken.' 

• 

1 ' Title ' in text. 



24 JULY 16, 1617 

Cornet Joyce questioned the previous good faith of the 
Parliament. Mr. Sexby also thought that Parliament 
owned the Army 'rather out of fear than love ' ; because 
the deserters of the Army ' are looked upon, countenanced, 
and abundantly better paid than we,' and because ' they 
send to treat with us.' Major Disbrow thought that the 
only difference of opinion was on the question of marching 
to London ; he pointed out that even if it was resolved to 
do so the preparations would take four days. Lieutenant 
Scotton hoped they would waive the marching on London 
and proceed by Treaty, so long as a real and effectual 
course was taken. Cornet Spencer said he had just come 
from the City, where many Officers of the Militia were 
taking the names of apprentices and causing them to be 
ready upon an hour's warning. 

Lieutenant- General Cromwell. 

' Truly, sir, I think neither of these two things that 
gentleman spoke last are any great news. For the 
one of them, the listing of apprentices, I doubt they 
have listed them twice over ; but for the other I am 
sure we have heard of it more than twice over, [that 
our friends in London] would rejoice to see us come 
up. But what if we are better able to consult what 
is for their good than themselves % It is the general 
good of them and all the people in the kingdom, that 
is the question ; what is for their good, not what 
pleases them. I do not know that all these con- 
siderations are arguments to have satisfaction in these 
things that we have in proposition. If you be in the 
right and I in the wrong, if we be divided, I doubt we 
shall all be in the wrong ; whether of them 1 will do 

1 Unity or division. 



JULY 16, 1647 25 

our work, let them speak without declaring. Let us 
not think that this is a greater argument, that they 
love those that [have] deserted [us], that they have 
paid them and not us, which was Mr. Sexby's argu- 
ment, which if it had weight in it I should have 
submitted to it. The question is singly this, whether 
or no we shall not in a positive way desire the answer 
to these things before we march towards London, 
when perhaps we may have the same things in the 
time that we can march. Here is the strictness of 
the question.' 

Major Tulida complained of Cromwell's criticisms and 
desired that there might be liberty to speak. Colonel Rich 
said that there were only two things in question ; whether 
the Paper and the five particulars should go and be 
insisted on, to be presented by the Army Council or the 
Commissioners ; whether they should march on London 
now or stay four days : he proposed ' to decide it with 
a question, whether we shall march to London or no.' 
Lieutenant Chillenden wished the Paper to go, with all 
things in it. Ireton would have the particulars go but not 
the Paper, because the proposal to inarch on London was 
mentioned in it ; and he objected to the phrase ' that they 
should not only be sequestred but disabled.' Here the 
account ends. See Notes. 



26 OCT 28, 1647 



5. 

At the General Council of Officers, Putney, 
Oct. 28, 1647. 

Fairfax absent. Cromwell said that the meeting was 
for public businesses, and those who had anything to say 
might have liberty to speak. Mr. Sexby announced the 
presence of certain soldiers and gentlemen sent by the 
Regiments to represent their views. Ireton said that 
the Committee had been asked to consider TJie Case of the 
Army Stated, and send for those persons concerned in that 
Paper ; they had done so, and resolved to invite some of 
those gentlemen to this debate. Mr. Sexby said, they were 
there to tender their desires and resolutions to maintain 
them, by request of the Lieutenant-General ; he then said 
that the kingdom's cause required expedition ; the causes 
of this misery were, the endeavour to satisfy all men 
whereby they had dissatisfied all, the endeavour to please 
the King when they could not, and the support given to 
a rotten Parliament ; he informed Cromwell and Ireton 
that they had much blasted their credits and reputations, 
and hoped they would give consideration to the things 
that might be offered. 

Lieutenant- General Cromivell. 

' I think it is good for us to proceed to our business 
in some order, and that will be if we consider some 
things that are lately past. There hath been a book 
printed, called The Case of the Army Stated, and that 
hath been taken into consideration, and there hath 
been somewhat drawn up by way of exception to 



OCT. 28, 1647 27 

things contained in that book. And I suppose there 
was an answer brought to that which was taken by 
way of exception, and yesterday the gentleman that 
brought the answer he was dealt honestly and plainly 
withal, and he was told, that there were new designs 
a-driving, and nothing would be a clearer discovery 
of the sincerity of [their] intentions as their willing- 
ness, that were active, to bring what they had to say 
to be judged of by the General Officers and by this 
General Council, that we might discern what the 
intentions were. Now it seems there be divers that 
are come hither to manifest those intentions according 
to what was offered yesterday, and truly I think that 
the best way of our proceeding will be to receive 
what they have to offer. 

Only this, Mr. Sexby. You were speaking to us 
two [but upon what account I know not], except you 
think that we have done somewhat, or acted some- 
what different from the sense and resolution of the 
General Council. Truly that that you speak to, was 
the things that related to the King, and things that 
related to the Parliament, and if there be a fault I may 
say it, and I dare say it hath been the fault of the 
General Council : and that which you do speak you 
speak to the General Council I hope, though you 
named us two both in relation to the one and the 
other. And therefore truly I think it sufficient for us 
to say, and it is that we say, — I can speak for myself, 
let others speak for themselves, — I dare maintain it, 
and I dare avow, I have acted nothing but what I have 



28 OCT. 28, 1647 

done with the public consent, and approbation and 
allowance of the General Council. That I dare say 
for myself, both in relation to the one and to the 
other. What I have acted in Parliament, in the name 
of the Council or of the Army, I have had my warrant 
for it from hence. What I have spoken as a Member 
of the House in another capacity, that was free for me 
to do ; and I am confident, that I have not used the 
name of the Army or interest of the Army to any- 
thing, but what I have had allowance from the General 
Council for, and thought it fit to move the House in. 
I do the rather give you this account, because I hear 
there are some slanderous reports going up and down 
upon somewhat that hath been offered to the House 
of Commons [by me] as being the sense and opinion 
of this Army and in the name of this Army, which, 
I dare be confident to speak it, hath been as false and 
slanderous a report as could be raised of a man. And 
that was this, that I should say to the Parliament, — 
and deliver it as the desire of this Army and the sense 
of this Army, — that there should be a second address 
to the King by way of propositions. I dare be con- 
fident to speak it, what I delivered there I delivered 
as my own sense, and what I delivered as my own 
sense I am not ashamed of. What I delivered as 
your sense, I never delivered but what I had as your 



Colonel Rainborow confirmed Cromwell's last statement, 
saying that he and Cromwell were absent when the motion 
for a second address was carried, and that they were only 



OCT. 28, 1647 29 

told of it when they 'came upon the Bill,' but 'it was 
urged in the House that it was the sense of the Army that 
it should be so.' Ireton also defended himself, but made 
it clear that he did not belong to the extreme party ; 
1 1 do not seek, or would not seek, nor will join with them 
that do seek the destruction either of Parliament or King ; 
neither will I consent with those or concur with them who 
will not attempt all the ways that are possible to preserve 
both, and to make good use and the best use that can be 
of both for the kingdom . . .' ; he then read a letter to the 
Agitators from the General Council, and Mr. Allen read 
their reply. Ireton complained that the Agitators wrote 
as though they were a body distinct from the General 
Council of the Army, sending fixed resolutions which they 
did not care to discuss. A Buff-Coat expressed their 
willingness to give satisfaction, and the answer of the 
Agitators was read a second time. This answer was the 
document known as ' The Agreement of the People/ See 
Notes. 

Lieutenant- General Cromivett. 

1 These things that you have now offered, they are 
new to us. They are things that we have not at all, 
at least in this method and thus circumstantially, had 
any opportunity to consider of them; because they 
came to us but thus, as you see. This is the first time 
we [have] had a view of them. 

Truly this Paper does contain in it very great 
alterations of the very government of the kingdom, 
alterations from that government that it hath been 
under, I believe I may almost say, since it was a 
nation ; I say I think I may almost say so. And 
what the consequences of such an alteration as this 
would be, if there were nothing else to be considered, 



30 OCT. 28, 1647 

wise men and godly men ought to consider ; I say, 
if there were nothing else but the very weight and 
nature of the things contained in this Paper. And 
therefore although the pretensions in it and the ex- 
pressions in it are very plausible, and if we could leap 
out of one condition into another that had so specious 
things in it as this hath, I suppose there would not 
be much dispute [as to that], though perhaps some of 
these things may be very well disputed. And how 
do we know if whilst we are disputing these things 
another company of men shall gather together, and 
they shall put out a paper as plausible perhaps as 
this ? I do not know why it might not be done by 
that time you have agreed upon this, or got hands to 
it, if that be the way ; and not only another and 
another, but many of this kind. And if so, what do 
you think the consequence of that would be ? Would 
it not be confusion ? Would it not be utter confusion ? 
Would it not make England like the Switzerland 
country, one Canton of the Swiss 1 against another, 
and one county against another ? I ask you whether 
it be not fit for every honest man seriously to lay 
that upon his heart? And if so, what would that 
produce but an absolute desolation, an absolute deso- 
lation to the nation ? And we in the meantime tell 
the nation, It is for your liberty, 'Tis for your privi- 
lege, 'Tis for your good. Pray God it prove so, 
whatever course we run. 

But truly, I think we are not only to consider what 

1 ' Swils ' in text. 



OCT. 28, 1647 31 

the consequences are, — if there were nothing else but 
this Paper, — but we are to consider the probability of 
the ways and means to accomplish. That is to say, 
[to consider whether] x according to reason and judg- 
ment the spirits and temper of the people of this 
nation are prepared to receive and to go on along 
with it, and [whether] those great difficulties [that] 
lie in our way [are] in a likelihood to be either over- 
come or removed. Truly to anything that is good, 
there is no doubt on it, objections may be made and 
framed, but let every honest man consider whether 
or no there be not very real objections [to this] in 
point of difficulty. And I know a man may answer 
all difficulties with faith, — and faith will answer all 
difficulties really, where it is, — and we are very apt 
all of us to call that faith, that perhaps may be but 
carnal imagination and carnal reasonings. Give me 
leave to say this, there will be very great mountains 
in the way of this, if this were the thing in present 
consideration. And therefore we ought to consider 
the consequences, and God hath given us our reason 
that we may do this, and it is not enough to propose 
things that are good in the end, but it is our duty as 
Christians and men to consider consequences and to 
consider the way. But suppose this model were 
an excellent model and fit for England and the king- 
dom to receive? But really, I shall speak to nothing 
but that, that as before the Lord I am persuaded in 
my heart tends to uniting of us in one, to that that 

1 'that' in MS. 



32 OCT. 28, 1647 

God will manifest to us to be the thing that he would 
have us prosecute \ And he that meets not here 
with that heart, and dares not say he will stand 
to that, I think he is a deceiver. I say it to you 
again and I profess unto you, I shall offer nothing 
to you but that I think in my heart and conscience 
tends to the uniting of us, and to the begetting a 
right understanding among us. And therefore this 
is that I would insist upon, and have it cleared 
among us. 

It is not enough for us to insist upon good things. 
That every one would do. There is not forty of 
us but we could prescribe many things exceeding 
plausible, and hardly anything worse than our present 
condition, take it with all the troubles that are upon 
us. But it is not enough for us to propose good 
things, but it behoves honest men and Christians, that 
really will approve themselves so before God and men, 
to see whether or no they be in a condition, whether, 
taking all things into consideration, they may honestly 
endeavour and attempt that that is fairly and plausibly 
proposed. For my own part I know nothing that we 
are to consider first but that, before we would come to 
debate the evil or good of this [Paper], or to add to it 
or subtract from it. [As to] which I am confident, — 
if your hearts be upright as ours are, and God will be 
judge between you and us, if we should come to any- 
thing, — you do not bring this Paper with peremptori- 

1 Unity is the end in view, and the best model is useless if it tends to throw 
everything into confusion again. 



OCT. 28, 1647 33 

ness of mind, but to receive amendments, to have 
anything taken from it that may be made appear to 
be apparent by clear reason to be inconvenient or 
unhonest. But this ought to be our consideration 
and yours, saving [that] in this you have the advan- 
tage of us, — you that are the soldiers you have not, — 
but you that are not [soldiers] you reckon yourselves 
at a loose and at a liberty, as men that have no obli- 
gation upon you. Perhaps we conceive we have ; and 
therefore 1 this is that I may say to the Officers, both 
to those that come with you and to my fellow Officers 
and all others that hear me, that it concerns us, as we 
would approve ourselves before God and before men 
that are able to judge of us, if we do not make good 
Engagements, if we do not make good that that the 
world expects we should make good. 

I do not speak to determine what that is, but if 
I be not much mistaken we have in the time of 
our danger issued out Declarations. We have been 
required by the Parliament, because our Declarations 
were general, to declare particularly what we meant. 
And having done that, how far that obliges or not 
obliges, that is by us to be considered, if we mean 
honestly and sincerely and do approve ourselves to 
God as honest men. And therefore, having heard this 
Paper read, this remains to us, that we again review 
what we have engaged in, and what we have that lies 
upon us. And he that departs from that, that is 
a real Engagement and a real tie upon him, I think 

1 Repeated in text. 
D 



34 OCT. 28, 1647 

he transgresses without faith ; for faith will bear upon 
men in every honest obligation, and God does expect 
from men the performance of every honest obligation. 
And therefore I have no more to say but this. We, 
having received your Paper, we shall amongst our- 
selves consider what to do, and before we take this 
into consideration, it is fit for us to consider how far 
we are obliged and how far we are free. And I hope 
we shall prove ourselves honest men where we are 
free to tender anything to the good of the public. 
And this is that I thought good to offer to you upon 
this Paper.' 

Mr. Wildman thought that under certain circumstances 
it was right to break Engagements, but that the first thing 
to do was to consider the honesty of what was now offered. 
Ireton protested against the idea that no Engagement was 
binding unless Mr. Wildman thought fit ; he thought that 
there were plausible things in the Paper, but that the 
Army should consider their previous Engagements ; he 
desired that some gentlemen might be specially appointed 
to that end. Colonel Rainborow complained of being 
taken from his regiment and sent abroad ; speaking 
sharply, he attacked Cromwell's previous speech, deriding 
those who were afraid to face difficulties and alterations, 
and those who talked of ' division ' ; he moved that two or 
three days might be set apart for every one to consider, 
and that there might be nothing to deter them. 

Lieutenant-General Cromwell. 

'Truly I am very glad that this gentleman that 
spoke last is here, and not sorry for the occasion 
that brought him hither, because it argues we shall 
enjoy his company longer than I thought we should 



OCT. 28, 1647 35 

have done 1 , and truly then I think it shall not be long 
enough. 

But truly I do not know what the meaning of that 
expression is, nor what the meaning of any hateful 
word is here. For we are all here with the same 
integrity to the public, and perhaps we have all of us 
done our parts not affrighted with difficulties, one as 
well as another, and I hope have all purposes hence- 
forward through the grace of God, not resolving in 
our own strength, to do so still. And therefore truly 
I think all the consideration [offered by Colonel Rain- 
borow] is, that amongst us we are almost all soldiers. 
All considerations of that kind, or words of that kind, 
do wonderfully please us. All words of courage animate 
us to carry on our business, to do God's business, that 
which is the will of God. And I say it again, I do 
not think that any man here wants courage to do that 
which becomes an honest man and an Englishman to 
do. But we speak as men that desire to have the fear 
of God before our eyes, and men that may not resolve 
in the power of a fleshly strength to do that which we 
do, but to lay this as the foundation of all our actions, 
to do that which is the will of God. And if any man 
have a false deceit on the one hand, deceitfulness, that 
which he doth not intend, or a persuasion on the other 
hand, I think he will not prosper ; but to that which 
was moved by Colonel Rainborow of the objections of 
difficulty and danger of the consequences, they are 
proposed not to any other end, but [as] things fitting 

1 Rainborow here remarked, ' If I should not be kicked out!' 
D 2, 



36 OCT. 28, 1647 

consideration, not forged to deter from the considera- 
tion of the business. But in the consideration of the 
thing that is new to us, and of everything that shall 
be new that is of such importance as this is, I think 
that he that wishes the most serious advice to be 
taken of such a change as this is, — so evident and 
clear [a change], — whoever offers that there may be 
most serious consideration, I think he does not 
speak impertinently. And truly it was offered to no 
other end than what I speak. I shall say no more 
to that. 

But to the other, concerning Engagements and 
breaking of them, I do not think that it was at all 
offered by anybody, that though an Engagement were 
never so unrighteous it ought to be kept. No man 
offered a syllable or tittle [to that purpose]. For 
certainly it is an act of duty to break an unrighteous 
Engagement. He that keeps it does a double sin, in 
that he made an unrighteous Engagement, and [in] 
that he goes about to keep it. But this was only 
offered, that before we can consider of [this Paper], 
and I know not what can be more fitly [done], we 
labour to know where we are and where we stand. 

Perhaps we are upon Engagements that we cannot 
with honesty break. But let me tell you this, that he 
that speaks to you of Engagements here is as free 
from Engagements to the King as any man in all the 
world. And I know it, if it were otherwise I believe 
my future actions would provoke some to declare it. 
But I thank God I stand upon the bottom of my own 



OCT. 28, 1647 37 

innocence in this particular: through the grace of 
God I fear not the face of any man, I do not. 

I say we are to consider what Engagements we 
have made, and if our Engagements have been un- 
righteous, why should we not make it our endeavours 
to break them ? Yet if unrighteous Engagements, it 
is not [fit to make a] present breach of them unless 
there be a consideration of circumstances. Circum- 
stances may be such as I may not now break an 
unrighteous Engagement, or else I may do [wrongfully 
by] that which I did scandalously [before, even] if the 
thing [aimed at] be good. But if that be true con- 
cerning the breaking of an unrighteous Engagement, 
it is much more verified concerning a disputable En- 
gagement, whether they be righteous or unrighteous. 
If so I am sure it is fit we should dispute [them], and 
if when we have disputed them we see the goodness of 
God enlightening us to see our liberties, I think we are 
to do what we can to give satisfaction to men. But 
if it were so as we made an Engagement in j udgement 
and knowledge, so we go off from it in judgement and 
knowledge. 

But there may be just Engagements upon us, such 
as perhaps it will be our duty to keep, and if so it is 
fit we should consider. And all that I said [was] that 
we should consider our Engagements, and there is 
nothing else offered, and therefore what need anybody 
be angry or offended 1 ? Perhaps we have made such 
Engagements as may in the matter of them not bind 
us, in some circumstances they may. Our Engage- 



38 OCT. 28, 1647 

ments are public Engagements. They are to the 
kingdom, and to every one in the kingdom that could 
look upon what we did publicly declare, [and] could 
read or hear it read. They are to the Parliament, 
and it is a very fitting thing that we do seriously 
consider of the things. And that this is that I shall 
shortly offer, that because the kingdom is in the 
danger it is in, because the kingdom is in that con- 
dition it is in, and time may be ill spent in debates 
and it is necessary for things to be put to an issue, — 
if ever it was necessary in the world it is now, — 
I should desire this may be done, that this General 
Council may be appointed against a very short time, 
two days, Thursday if you would against Saturday, or 
at furthest against Monday; that [meanwhile] there 
might be a Committee out of this Council appointed 
to debate and consider with those two gentlemen, and 
with any others that are not of the Army that they 
shall bring, and with the Agitators of those five regi- 
ments, that so there may be a liberal and free debate 
had amongst us, that we may understand really as 
before God the bottom of our desires, and that we 
may seek God together and see if God will give us an 
uniting spirit. 

And give me leave to tell you it again, I am confident 
there sits not a man in this place that cannot so freely 
act with you, — if he sees that God hath shut up his 
way, that he cannot do any service in that way as 
may be good for the kingdom, — but he will be glad to 
withdraw himself, and wish you all prosperity. And 



OCT. 28, 1647 39 

if this heart be in us, as is known to God that searches 
our hearts and trieth the reins, God will discover 
whether our hearts be not clear in this business. And 
therefore I shall move, that we may have a Com- 
mittee amongst ourselves [to consider] of the Engage- 
ments, and this Committee to dispute things with 
others, and a short day [to be appointed] for the 
General Council. And I doubt not but if in sincerity 
we are willing to submit to that light that God shall 
cast in among us, God will unite us and make us of 
one heart and one mind. And do the plausiblest 
things you can do, do that which hath the most 
appearance of reason in it that tends to change at this 
conjuncture of time, you will find difficulties. But if 
God satisfy our spirits, this will be a ground of confi- 
dence to every good man ; and he that goes upon other 
grounds, he shall fall like a beast. I shall desire this, 
that you, or any other of the Agitators or gentlemen 
that can be here, will be here, that we may have free 
discourses amongst ourselves of things, and you will 
be able to satisfy each other. And really rather than 
I would have this kingdom break in pieces before 
some company of men be united together to a 
settlement, I will withdraw myself from the Army 
to-morrow and lay down my Commission. I will 
perish before I hinder it.' 

A Bedfordshire man said that he had been sent to offer 
the Paper to the Council and not to discuss Engagements ; 
if any one had given wrongful Engagements that was the 
fault of the particular person ; there might be many 



40 OCT. 28, 1647 

dangers in the Paper, but there were more without it; 
those who thought themselves bound up by Engagements 
should not hinder 'the people in a more perfect way.' 
Captain Awdeley desired that a Committee might be 
appointed. Lieutenant-Colonel Goffe humbly desired 
that that motion might not die, 'that there might be a 
seeking of God ' ; he spoke at length of the way they had 
gone astray, and hoped they might conveniently meet 
to-morrow to seek the Lord. 

Lieutenant-General Crormvell. 

' I know not [but] what Lieutenant-Colonel Goffe 
means for to-morrow, for the time of seeking God. 
I think it will be requisite that we do it speedily, and 
do it the first thing, and that we do it as unitedly as 
we can, as many of us as well may meet together. 
For my part I shall lay aside all business for this 
business, either to convince or to be convinced as 
God shall please. I think it would be good that 
to-morrow morning may be spent in prayer, and the 
afternoon might be the time of our business. I do 
not know that l these gentlemen do assent to it, that 
to-morrow in the afternoon might be the time.' 

Lieutenant-Colonel Goffe thought nothing could prosper 
unless they sought God. 

Lieutenant-General Cromivell. 

' If that be approved of, that to-morrow shall be a 
time of seeking the Lord, and that the afternoon shall 
be the time of business, if that doth agree with your 
opinion and general sense, let that be first ordered. 5 

1 i. e. i whether.' 



OCT. 28, 1647 41 

Ireton said that the motion made a great impression on 
him ; as to the mover ' he hath never spoke but he hath 
touched my heart ' ; every one had need to wait upon 
God ; he hoped that this motion would be pursued. It 
was then 'Agreed for the Meeting for Prayer to be at 
Mr. Chamberlaine's.' Cromwell expressed a hope ' that 
they should not meet as two contrary parties, but as some 
desirous to satisfy or convince each other.' Mr. Petty 
then said that he had done his duty in presenting the 
Paper, and could not come to ' any further meeting to- 
morrow or any other time,' to give any reasons why he 
assented to it. Ireton was sorry ' that they should be so 
sudden to stand upon themselves.' 

Mr. Petty said he was ' utterly unconcerned in the 
business.' Buff-Coat also said that he had done his part 
in coming to the meeting as a testimony of fidelity, and 
could give no Engagements. 

L ieutenant- General Cromwell. 

' I hope we know God better than to make appear- 
ances of religious meetings covers for designs. As 
for insinuations amongst you, I desire that God, that 
hath given us some sincerity, will own us according 
to his own goodness. And that sincerity that he 
hath given us, I dare be confident to speak it, that 
that hath been amongst us hitherto, is to seek the 
guidances of God and to recover that presence of God 
that seems to withdraw from us ; and it seems as 
much to us in this as anything, we are not all of 
a mind. And to accomplish that work which may 
be for the good of the kingdom, is our end. And for 
our parts we do not desire or offer you to be with us 
in our seeking of God further than your own satis- 
factions lead you, but only against to-morrow in the 



42 OCT. 28, 1647 

afternoon, which will be designed for the consideration 
of these businesses with you. You will do what you 
may, to have so many as you shall think fit, to see 
what God will direct you to say to us, that whilst 
we are going one way and you another we be not 
both destroyed. This requires spirit. It may be too 
soon to say it is my present apprehension ; I had 
rather we should devolve our strength to you, than 
that the kingdom for our division should suffer loss. 
For that is in all our hearts to profess, above any- 
thing that is worldly, the public good of the people ; 
and if that be in our hearts truly and nakedly, I am 
confident it is a principle that will stand. Perhaps 
God may unite us and carry us both one way, and 
therefore I do desire you that against to-morrow in 
the afternoon, if you judge it meet, you will come to 
us to the Quartermaster-General's quarters, where you 
will find us ; if you will come timely to join with us 
[you will come] at your liberty, if afterwards to speak 
with us there x you will find us.' 

Mr. Wildman then returned to the main business ; he 
objected to the idea that a person once engaged must 
keep faith though suffering unjustly ; the Army were of 
opinion that a few days might lose the kingdom, and that 
the way they were proceeding in was just ; he desired that 
only the justice of the thing proposed should be considered 
and not the Engagements. Ireton answered him, saying 
that it was very important in general affairs to ' keep 
covenant one with another'; 'take away that, I do not 
know what ground there is of anything you can call any 

1 ' and there ' in text. 



OCT. 28, 1647 43 

man's right'; the foundation of all right between men 
was contract and agreement ; this was the basis of law. 
Mr. Wildman questioned whether any agreement could be 
made as to an unjust thing. They continued to argue this 
point. 

Lieutenant-General Cromwell. 

1 Let Hie speak a word to this business. We are 
now upon that business which we spake of consulting 
with God about it, and therefore for us to dispute the 
merit of those things I judge it altogether unseason- 
able, unless you will make it the subject of debate 
before you consider it among yourselves. The business 
of the Engagements] lies upon us. They 1 are free 
in a double respect. They made none, and if they 
did, then the way out is now [made easy] ; and [it is 
a way which all] the members of the Army, except 
they be sensible [of the folly] of it, [may take], and 
[may], at one jump, jump out of all [Engagements] : 
and it is a very great jump I will assure you. As we 
profess we intend to seek the Lord in the thing, the 
less we speak in it [now] the better, and the more we 
cast ourselves upon God the better. 

I shall only speak two things to Mr. Wildman in 
order to our meeting. Methought he said, if there be 
delay he fears this business will be determined, the 
propositions will be sent from the Parliament, and 
the Parliament and King agree, and so those gentle- 
men that were in that mind to go on in their way 
will be cut off in point of time to their own dis- 

1 The Agitators and agents. 



44 OCT. 28, 1647 

advantage. And the other thing he said was, that 
these gentlemen who have chosen Mr. Wildman and 
that other gentleman to be their mouth at this meet- 
ing to deliver their minds, they are upon the matter 
engaged in what they have resolved upon, and they 
come as engaged men upon their own resolution. 

If that be so, I think there neither needs con- 
sideration of the former, for you will not be anti- 
cipated, if that be so 1 you work accordingly. And 
[as to the latter, though] you meet us, yet having 
that resolution in your way you cannot be pre- 
vented by any proposition or any such thing. Though 
we should have come hither, and we should meet 
to-morrow as a company of men that really would 
be guided by God, if any come to us to-morrow 
only to instruct us and [not to] teach us and deter- 
mine, how far that will consist with the liberty of 
a free [debate] 2 or an end of satisfaction I refer to 
every sober-spirited man to think of. I think it is 
such a pre-engagement that there is no need of talk 
of the thing. And I see then if that be so, things are 
in such an irrevocable way, I will not call it desperate, 
as there is no hope of accommodation or union, except 
we receive the counsels 3 — I will not call it the com- 
mands — of them that come to us. I desire that we 
may rightly understand this thing. If this be so, 
I do not understand what the end of the meeting 
will be. If this be not so, that they will [not] draw 
any man from their Engagements further than the 

1 ? read Hf so be that.' 2 'liberty' in text. s ' Councills' in text. 



OCT. 28, 1647 45 

light of God shall draw them from their Engage- 
ments — and I think according to your own principle, 
if you he upon any Engagement you are liable to be 
convinced, unless you are infallible — if we may come 
to an honest and single debate how we may all agree 
in one common way for public good, if we [may] meet 
so, we shall meet with a great deal the more comfort 
and hopes of a good and happy issue and under- 
standing of the business. But if otherwise, I despair 
of the meeting ; or at least I would have the meeting 
to be of another notion, a meeting that did represent 
the Agitators of the five regiments to give rules to 
the Council of War. If it signify this, for my own 
part I shall be glad to submit to it under this notion. 
If it be a free debate what may be fit for us all to do 
with clearness and openness before the Lord, and in 
that sincerity, let us understand that we may come 
and meet so. Otherwise I do verily believe we shall 
meet with prejudice, and we shall meet to [the] 
prejudice, really to the prejudice of the kingdom and 
of the whole Army. 

Thus, if we be absolutely resolved upon our way 
and engaged beforehand, the kingdom will see it is 
such a real, actual division as admits of no recon- 
ciliation ; and all those that are enemies to us, and 
friends to our enemies, will have the clearer advan- 
tage upon us to put us into inconveniency. And 
I desire if there be any fear of God amongst us, I 
desire that we may declare ourselves freely, that we 
do meet upon these terms.' 

[AN REFffl^ 
* HEW YORK, N. Y, 



IRRAftN 



y 



46 OCT. 28, 1647 

Colonel Rainborow returned to the question of breaking 
Engagements ; he did not believe there was such a division 
as imagined, but they would hear reason ; ' a very little 
delay will undo us.' A Buff-Coat said, if Engagements 
proved unjust he would break them, ' even at the rate of one 
hundred a day ! ' Mr. Wildman agreed, if they tended to 
destruction or were against duty, &c. 

Lieutenant- General Cromwell. 

' I think clearly you were understood to put it 
upon an issue, where there is clearly a case of de- 
struction, public destruction and ruin. And I think 
this will bring it into consideration, whether or no 
our Engagements have really in them that, that hath 
public destruction and ruin necessarily following ; or 
whether or no we may not give too much way to our 
own doubts or fears. And whether it be lawful to 
break a covenant upon our own doubts and fears 
will be the issue. And I think [it best], if we agree 
to defer the debate, to nominate a Committee.' 

Colonel Rainborow thought the non-performance of the 
Engagements of the Army destructive. Ireton remarked 
that Mr. Wildman's conclusion was, that the performance 
of them was destructive. Mr. Wildman, ' that if such an 
Engagement were, it does not bind.' Ireton, whose speech 
is fragmentary, seems to have said that Wildman's argu- 
ments appeared to be based on the infallibility, just- 
ness, and rightness of his own opinions. Mr. Lockyer 
gathered 'that destruction is something near,' and the 
cause ' is the going of the proposals to the King ' ; these 
should 'be brought hither when they do go, that we may 
see what they are.' Cromwell, ' The question is, whether 
the propositions will save us or not destroy us. This 
discourse concludes nothing.' Captain Merriman, ' that 
this Oedipus riddle is un-opened, and this Gordian knot 



OCT. 28. 1647 47 

untied.' Buff-Coat did not wish it to be thought that 
they avoided the seeking of God. Lieutenant Chillenden 
hoped ' that these gentlemen of the five regiments their 
ends are good,' and moved that they 'would willingly come 
to-morrow, and join with us in our counsels together,' that 
they would manifest ' a sweet compliance in communi- 
cating counsels.' 

L ieutenant- General Cromwell. 

' That which this gentleman hath moved I like 
exceeding well. He hath fully declared himself con- 
cerning the freedom of their spirit as to principles. 
In general they aim at peace and safety, and really 
I am persuaded in my conscience it is their aim [to 
act] as may be most for the good of the people ; for 
really if that be not the supreme good to us under 
God, the good of the people, our principles fall. Now 
if that be in your spirits and our spirits, it remains 
that God only shew us the way and lead us [in] the 
way, which I hope he will. 

And give me leave [to add] that there may be 
some prejudices upon some of your spirits and such 
men that do affect your way, that they may have 
some jealousies and apprehensions that we are wedded 
and glued to forms of government, so that what- 
soever we may pretend, it is in vain for to speak to 
us or to hope for any agreement from us to you. 
And I believe some [have] such apprehensions, as 
[that we are engaged to] some part of the Legislative 
power of the kingdom, where it may rest besides in 
the Commons of the kingdom. You will find that 
we are as far from being as particularly engaged to 



48 OCT. 28, 1647 

anything to the prejudice of this — further than the 
notorious Engagement that the world takes notice 
of — that we should not concur with you that the 
foundation and supremacy is in the people, radically 
in them, and to be set down by them in their repre- 
sentations. And if we do so [agree with you, let us 
consider] how we may run to that end that we all 
aim at, or that that does remain, and therefore let us 
only name the Committee.' 

Lieutenant-Colonel Goffe spoke to the removal of some 
prejudices as to the object of the meeting to seek God, 
and was certain that if they sought him with open spirits, 
they would be found going on according to his will. 
Mr. Wildman seems to have said that he and his friends 
would come, and asked whether they might have power to 
debate and to receive further instructions. 

Lieutenant-General Cromiuell. 

'That gentleman says he will do what he can to 
draw all or the most of them hither to be heard 
to-morrow ; and I desire Mr. Wildman, that if they 
have any friends that are of a loving spirit, that 
would contribute to this business of a right under- 
standing, [they will bring them also]. And I say no 
more but this. I pray God judge between you and 
us when we do meet, whether we come with engaged 
spirits to uphold our own resolutions and opinions, or 
whether we shall lay down ourselves to be ruled [by 
him], and that which he shall communicate.' 

Colonel Rainborow made some remarks, which are so 
badly reported as to be unintelligible. The Committee 
was then chosen, * To confer with the Agitators of the five 



OCT. 29, 1647 49 

regiments, and such gentlemen as shall come with them, 
about the Engagement now brought in, and their own 
Declarations and Engagements.' 

6. 

At the Meeting of the Officers for calling upon God, 
according to the appointment of the General Council, 
Putney, Oct. 29, 1647. 

Discourses by Commissary Cowling, Major White, and 
others ; speech and prayer by Captain Clarke. Adjutant- 
General Deane moved to meet at the same place on Monday 
from 8 to n, to seek God, &c. Lieutenant-Colonel Goffe 
made a long speech, in which he referred ' to our com- 
pliance with that party which God hath engaged us to 
destroy. We intended nothing but civility, but I wish they 
were not in some measure compliances . . .' ; he urged the 
necessity of unity. Mr. Everard said he had done his best 
to bring the men to this debate, but most were dispersed ; 
his two friends, with him yesterday, had come again ; ' we 
desire once more a compliance in those things that we 
propounded to you ' ; great expectation of sudden destruc- 
tion. 

Lieutenant-General Cromiuell. 

{ I think it would not be amiss that those gentlemen 
that are come would draw nigher. 

I must offer this to your consideration, whether or 
no we having set apart this morning to seek God, and 
to get such a preparedness of heart and spirit as 
might receive that that God was minded to have im- 
parted to us, and this having taken up all our time 
all this day, and it having been so late this last night 
as indeed it was when we brake up, and we having 
appointed a Committee to meet together to consider 



50 OCT. 29, 1647 

of that Paper, and this Committee having had no time 
or opportunity that I know of, not so much as to call 
a meeting, I make some scruple or doubt, whether or 
no it is not better [this company discuss to-morow] 
that danger which is imagined, and indeed I think it 
is. But be the danger what it will, our agreement in 
the business is much more [pressing] than the pressing 
of any danger, so that by that we do not delay too 1 . 
And that which I have to offer [is], whether or no we 
are as fit to take up such a consideration of these 
papers now, as we might be to-morrow. And perhaps 
if these gentlemen, which are but few, and that Com- 
mittee should meet together and spend their time 
together an hour or two the remainder of this after- 
noon, [it would be well,] and all this company might 
meet about nine or ten a-clock at furthest, and they 
[might] understand one another so well as we might 
be prepared for the General Meeting to have a more 
exact and particular consideration of things than 
[we can have] by a general loose debate, of things 
which our Committee or at least many 2 of us have 
[not] had any or at least not many thoughts about.' 

Colonel Rainborow regretted that ' indisposition of body' 
had caused him to go to London and hindered him from 
being with them that morning ; his only objection to the 
motion was the imminent danger of being in a moment 
overcome ; however, as the Committee had not met, he 
thought it would not be inconvenient if the gentlemen pre- 
sent spent the other part of the day with them. Mr. Everard 
spoke, but his speech as reported is confusion. 

1 ' to ' in text. 2 ' any ' in text. 



OCT. 29, 1647 51 

Lieut enant-General Cromwell. 

' I think it is true. Let us be doing, but let us be 
united in our doing. If there remain nothing else 
but present action, I mean doing in that kind, doing 
in that sort [as you suggest], I think we need not be 
in Council here. Such kind of action, action of that 
nature [may be the way], but if we do not rightly and 
clearly understand one another before we come to act, 
if we do not lay a foundation of action before we do act, 
I doubt whether we shall act unanimously or no. 

And seriously, as before the Lord, I knew no such 
end of our speech the last night and [of our] appoint- 
ing another meeting, but in order to a more perfect 
understanding of one another what we should do, and 
that we might be agreed upon some principles of 
action. And truly if I remember rightly [in] that, 
upon the delivery of the Paper that was yesterday, this 
was offered, that the things [that] are now upon us, the 
things are things of difficulty, the things are things that 
do deserve therefore consideration, because there might 
be great weight in the consequences ; and it was then 
offered, and I hope is still so in all our hearts, that 
we are not troubled with the consideration of the 
difficulty nor with the consideration of anything but 
this, that if we do difficult things we may see that 
the things we do have the will of God in them, that 
they are not only plausible and good things but 
seasonable and honest things fit for us to do. And 
therefore it was desired, that we might consider before 
we could come to these Papers, that we might consider 

E 2 



52 OCT. 29, 1647 

in what condition we stood in respect of former 
Engagements, which [was agreed], however some 
may be satisfied with [themselves] that there lie none 
upon us, or none but such as it is duty to break, [or] 
it is sin to keep. Therefore that was yesterday 
premised, [that] there may be a consideration had of 
them, and I may speak it as in the presence of God, 
that I know nothing of any Engagements but I would 
see liberty in any man [to have consideration of 
them], as I would be free from bondage to anything 
that should hinder me from doing my duty. And 
therefore that was first in consideration. 

If our obligation be nothing, or if it be weak, I hope 
it will receive satisfaction why it should be laid aside, 
that the things that we speak of are not obliged. 
And therefore if it please you, I think it will be good 
for us to frame our discourse to what we were, where 
we are, what we are bound to, what we are free to ; 
and then I make no question, but that this may con- 
clude what is between these gentlemen in one after- 
noon. I do not speak this to make obligations more 
than what they were before, but as before the Lord 
you see what they are 1 . And when we look upon 
them we shall see that we have been in a wrong way, 
and I hope it will call upon us for the more double 
diligence in it.' 

Colonel Rainborow misunderstood yesterday's motion ; 
he looked upon the Committee ' as a Committee to look 

1 Mr. Firth suggests that Cromwell here produced the Book of Army 
Declarations printed by Matthew Simmons in Sept. 1647. 



OCT. 29, 1647 53 

over this Paper to see whether it were a Paper that did 
hold forth justice and righteousness, whether it were a 
Paper that honest men could close with ' ; it would not 
come to that business to look over all the Engagements in 
that book. That meant delay, and he thought all were 
anxious to work quickly ; he desired they should read and 
debate the Paper only. 

Lieutenant- Ge neral Cromwell. 

' 1 shall but offer this to you. Truly I hope that 
we may speak our hearts freely here ; and I hope that 
there is not such an evil amongst us, as that we could 
or would exercise our wits or our cunning to vail 
over any doubleness of heart that may possibly be in 
us. I hope, having been in such a presence as we 
have been this day, we do not admit of such a thought 
as this into our hearts. And therefore if the speaking 
of that we did speak before, and to which I shall 
speak again with submission to all that hear me, if 
the declining to consider this Paper may have with 
any man a work upon his spirit through any jealousy 
that it aims at delay, truly I can speak it as before 
the Lord, it is not at all in my heart. But sincerely 
this is the ground of it, I know this Paper doth con- 
tain many good things in it, but this is the only thing 
that doth stick with me, the desiring to know my 
freedom to this thing. Though this Paper doth suggest 
that that may be the bottom of all our evils, — and 
I will not say against it because I do not think against 
it, — though this doth suggest the bottom of all our 
evils, yet for all to see ourselves free to this, all of 
us [so] as we may unanimously join upon this, either 



54 OCT. 29, 1647 

to agree to this, or to add more to it, [or] to alter as 

we shall agree, this impediment lies in our way; 

[even] if every man be satisfied with it but myself, 

this 1 is the first thing to be considered, that we 

should consider in what condition we stand to our 

former obligations, that if we be clear we may go off 

clear, if not we may not go on. If I be not come off 

[clear] with what obligations are made, if I be not 

free to act to whatsoever you shall agree upon, 

I think this is my duty, that I should not in the least 

study either to retard your work or hinder it or to 

act against it, but wish you as much success as if 

I were free to act with you. I desire we may view 

over our obligations and Engagements that so we may 

be free upon honest and clear grounds. If this be 

[possible, it is] my desire. 

(Colonel Rainborow offering to speak.) 

I have but one word to prevent you in, and that 

is for imminent danger. It may be possibly so, that 

that may not admit of an hour's debate nor nothing 

of delay. If that be so, I think that is above all 

law and rule to us.' 

Colonel Rainborow, ' Divers times we have had cautions 
given to us to have care of divisions. I do speak it to 
avoid division, that we may not at this time consider the 
Engagements.' Commissary Cowling urged the necessity 
of expedition, the Army being upon free quarter ; he sup- 
ported the Paper. Major White, 'I think it is in all our 
minds to deliver the kingdom ; if there be particular 
Engagements, we must lay them down to lay down public 
good.' 

1 Hhat this' in text. 



OCT. 29, 1647 55 

Lieutenant- General Cromwell. 

* I desire to know what the gentleman means con- 
cerning particular Engagements ; if he means those 
that are in this book 1 If those that are in this book, 
[they are those of the Army]. But if he means 
Engagements, personal, from particular persons, let 
every man speak for himself. I speak for myself, 
I disavow all, and I am free to acb, free from any 
such.' 

Major White, ' I conceive that [if] they be such as are 
passed by the Representative of the Army, I think the 
Army is bound in conscience to go on with them.' Colonel 
Hewson, ' All . . . have been by the Representative of the 
Army, and whether or no that hath not been the cause of 
this cloud that hangs over our heads.' Mr. Pettus, ' I am 
come in here to give in my reasons why I do approve 
of this Paper, this Agreement, to receive reasons why it 
should not be agreed to. For the particular Engagements 
of the Army I am ignorant of them, but if it please this 
Council to let this be read, and that either the matter or 
manner of it may be debated, and when any of the matter 
shall come to touch upon any Engagement, to break any 
Engagement, that then the Engagement may be shown . . . ,' 
&c. ; he hoped that those who thought themselves bound 
up 'would be pleased to rest satisfied in the actions of 
other men that are at liberty to act for the peace and 
freedom of the kingdom.' Ireton denied being under any 
personal Engagement, 'but if I were ... it should not 
at all stand in any other man's way ' ; he reminded the 
Council of the reputation of the Army and their profession 
in the guidance of God, as a reason for the consideration 
of their Engagements; but since 'it is so much pressed 
and insisted upon,' perhaps the clearest way of proceeding 
would be to ' read the Paper that is presented here,' and 
consider it 'in reference to our Engagements.' Major 



56 OCT. 29, 1647 

Rainborow thought so too. The Paper was then called for, 
and the Agreement read ; afterwards the first Article was 
read by itself 1 , and considered. Ireton took exception to 
the distribution of deputies ' according to the number of 
the inhabitants ' ; did this mean that every inhabitant was 
1 to have an equal voice in the election ' ? Mr. Pettus and 
Colonel Rainborow both said yes, and claimed it as the 
birthright of all Englishmen. Ireton said, if so ' you must 
fly for refuge to an absolute natural right and you must 
deny all civil right ' ; ' I think that no person hath a right 
to an interest or share in the disposing of the affairs of the 
kingdom . . . that hath not a permanent fixed interest in 
this kingdom.' A sharp debate followed on this point 
between Colonel Rainborow and Ireton ; Rainborow con- 
cluding with, 'I wish you would not make the world believe 
that we are for anarchy.' 

Lieutenant- General Cromwell. 

' I know nothing but this, that they that are the 
most yielding have the most wisdom. But really, sir, 
this is not right, as it should be. No man says that 
you have a mind to anarchy, but [that] the conse- 
quence of this rule tends to anarchy, must end in 
anarchy. For where is there any bound or limit set, 
if you take away this [Constitution], that men that 
have no interest but the interest of breathing [shall 
have no voice in elections] ? Therefore I am confident 
on it, we should not be so hot one with another.' 

Ireton again urged in favour of some kind of qualifica- 
tion. Colonel Rainborow and Mr. Pettus attacked the very 
idea of property, either as an institution or qualification. 
An interesting discussion ensued, in which Colonel Rich, 
Mr. Wildman, Commissary Cowling, Mr. Sexby, and others 

1 See Notes, where ' The Agreement of the People ' is printed in full. 



OCT. 29, 1647 57 

joined ; Ireton defending himself to some advantage. 
Mr. Sexby subsequently complained that they had fought 
to recover their birthrights and privileges as Englishmen, 
1 but it seems now, except a man hath a fixed estate in this 
kingdom he hath no right in this kingdom. I wonder we 
were so much deceived. ... I shall tell you in a word my 
resolution. I am resolved to give my birthright to none. 
Whatsoever may come in the way and be thought, [I am 
resolved] that I will give it to none.' 

Lieutenant- General Cromwell. 

' I confess I was most dissatisfied with that I heard 
Mr. Sexby speak of any man here, because it did 
savour so much of will. But I desire that all of us 
may decline that ; and if we meet here really to agree 
to that which was for the safety of the kingdom, let 
us not spend so much time in such debates as these 
are, but let us apply ourselves to such things as are 
conclusive. And that shall be this. Everybody here 
would be willing that the Representative might be 
mended ; that is, it might be better than it is. Per- 
haps it may be offered in that Paper too lamely. If 
the thing be insisted upon [as] too limited, why 
perhaps there are a very considerable part of copy- 
holders by inheritance that ought to have a voice, and 
there may be somewhat too reflects upon the gene- 
rality of the people. I know our debates are endless 
if we think to bring it to an issue this way, [but not 
so] if we may resolve upon a Committee. 

If I cannot be satisfied to go so far as these gentle- 
men that bring this Paper, I say it again, I profess 
it, I shall freely and willingly withdraw myself, and 



58 OCT. 29, 1647 

I hope to do it in such a manner that the Army shall 
see that I shall by my withdrawing [be] satisfying the 
interest of the Army, the public interest of the king- 
dom, and those ends these men aim at. And I think 
if you do bring this to a result, it were well.' 

Colonel Rainborow, ' I wonder how that should be 
thought wilfulness in one man that is reason in another, 
for I confess I have not heard anything that doth satisfy 
me. . . .' Mr. Sexby, ' I am sorry that my zeal to what I 
apprehend is good should be so ill resented'; he believed 
that Cromwell would have had fewer under his command, 
if he had advertised them of this business, ' that an estate 
doth make men capable.' Captain Clarke urged modera- 
tion, and attempted to turn back the discussion to the 
question of qualification, holding that ideas of property 
are the foundations of Constitutions. Captain Audeley 
complained of the threat of withdrawal, and the delay 
caused by debate. 

Lieutenant -General Cromwell. 

' Really for my own part I must needs say whilst 
we say we would not make reflections, we do make 
reflections ; and if I had not come hither with a free 
heart to do that that I was persuaded in my con- 
science is my duty, I should a thousand times rather 
have kept myself away. For I do think I had brought 
upon myself the greatest sin that [ever] I was 
guilty of, if I should have come to have stood before 
God in that former duty, [or this] which is before you, 
[without consideration]. And if that my saying, 
which I did say and shall persevere to say, that 
I should not, I cannot, against my conscience do any- 
thing,— they that have stood so much for liberty of 



59 

conscience, if they will not grant that liberty to every 
man but say it is a deserting [or] I know not what, — 
if that be denied me, I think there is not that equality 
that I professed to be amongst us. 

I said this and I say no more, that make your busi- 
ness as well as you can, we might bring things to an 
understanding ; it was to be brought to a fair com- 
posure, and when you have said if you should put 
this Paper to the question without any qualifications, 
I doubt whether it would pass so freely ; if we would 
have no difference we ought to put it. And let me 
speak clearly and freely, I have heard other gentle- 
men do the like, I have not heard the Commissary- 
General answered, not in a part to my knowledge, not 
in a tittle. If therefore when I see there is an 
extremity of difference between you, [I speak] to the 
end it may be brought nearer to a general satis- 
faction, and if this be thought a deserting of that 
interest, if there can be anything more sharply said, 
I will not give it an ill word. Though we should be 
satisfied in our consciences in what we do, we are told 
we purpose to leave the Army or to leave our com- 
mands, as if we took upon us to do it in matter of 
will. I did hear some gentlemen speak more of will 
than anything that was spoken this way, for more 
was spoken by way of will than of satisfaction, and if 
there be not a more equality in our minds I can but 
grieve for it, I must do no more.' 

Ireton, ' Reflections do necessitate, do call upon us to 
vindicate ourselves, as if we who have led men into 



60 OCT. 29, 1647 

Engagements and services, that we had divided because 
we did not concur with them ' ; he asked whether, when 
they engaged with the Army, ' they thought of any more 
interest or right in the kingdom than this ' ? whether 
from the beginning they did not engage for the liberty of 
Parliament ? he held to his original views as to qualifica- 
tions, though he was perfectly ready to agree to reform and 
a more equal distribution of Elections. Colonel Rain- 
borow then spoke. Mr. Pettus seems to have said that, as 
they were Engaged for the liberties of the people, the 
Constitution now in existence ought to be annulled if not 
for freedom ; this doubtless conveyed a hint, that he was 
surprised at people so Engaged supporting the existing 
Constitution. 

Lieutenant- General Cromtvell. 

'Here is the mistake, [the whole question is] whether 
that is the better Constitution in that Paper or that 
which is. But if you will go upon such a ground as 
that is, [to hint that] although a better Constitution 
was offered for the removing of the worse, yet some 
gentlemen are resolved to stick to the worse, there 
might be a great deal of prejudice upon such an 
apprehension. I think you are by this time satisfied 
that it is a clear mistake, for it is a dispute whether 
or no this be not better; nay, whether it be not 
destructive to the kingdom.' 

Mr. Pettus, Ireton, and Colonel Rainborow returned to 
their argument. Captain Rolfe, speaking of the franchise, 
desired ' a composure in relation to servants or to 
foreigners.' Lieutenant Chillenden desired a speedy end 
to this business, and asked that the Committee should be 
chosen, as moved by Cromwell, to consider the Paper with 
the Engagements. Sir Hardress Waller also desired that 



OCT. 29, 1647 61 

a period might be put to this debate. Ireton repeated 
his objections to the proposed alterations of the present 
Constitution. Cromwell, ' If we should go about to alter 
these things I do not think we are bound to fight for every 
particular proposition. Servants, while servants, are not 
included. Then you agree that he that receives alms 
is to be excluded.' This and the following speeches by 
Lieutenant-Colonel Reade and Mr. Pettus appear to be 
misplaced ; they refer probably to Captain Rolfe. Mr. 
Everard made a long speech, relating his moderate atti- 
tude towards the two contending parties, and regretting 
this long debate. Sir Hardress Waller also complained 
of these disputings. 

Lieute nant- General Cromwell. 

' I think you say very well, and my friend at my 
back he tells me that [there] are great fears abroad, 
and they talk of some things such as are not only 
specious to take a great many people with, but real 
and substantial, and such as are comprehensive of that 
that hath the good of the kingdom in it. And truly 
if there be never so much desire of carrying on these 
things, never so much desire of conjunction, yet if 
there be not liberty of speech to come to a right 
understanding of things, I think it shall be all one as 
if there were no desire at all to meet. And I may 
say it with truth, that I verily believe there is as much 
reality and heartiness amongst us [as amongst you] 
to come to a right understanding and to accord with 
that that hath the settlement of the kingdom in 
it, though when it comes to particulars we may differ 
in the way. Yet I know nothing but that every 
honest man will so as far as his conscience will let 



62 NOV. 1, 1647 

him, and tie that will go farther I think he will fall 

back. And I think when that principle is written in 

the hearts of us, and when there is not hypocrisy in 

our dealings, we must all of us resolve upon this, that 

it is God that persuades the heart ; if there be a doubt 

of sincerity it is the Devil that created that effect, 

and it is God that gives uprightness. And I hope it 

is with such an heart that we have all met withal. If 

we have not, God find him out that came without it ; 

for my part I do it.' 

Cromwell appears to have taken no further part in the 
debate, which continued for some time. The Committee 
met on Saturday, Oct. 30, and their decisions are recorded 
in the Worcester College MS. under the heading 'At 
the Committee of Officers appointed to consider of the 
Agreement and compare it with Declarations V 

7. 

At the General Council of the Army, Putney, 
Nov. 1, 1647. 

' The Lieutenant-General first moved, That every 
one might speak their experiences as the issue of what 
God had given in answer to their prayers.' 

Captain Allen then expressed his opinion, that the work 
before them was to take away the Negative voice of the 
King and Lords. A Report read from Colonel Lambert's 
regiment intimated that the Officers had broken their 
Engagements. Captain Carter ' found not any inclination 
in his heart, as formerly, to pray for the King, that God 
would make him yet a blessing to the kingdom.' Com- 
missary Cowling thought the sword 'the only thing that 

1 Seefol. 64-66, Worcester College MS. 



NOV. 1, 1647 63 

had from time to time recovered our rights.' Lieutenant- 
Colonel Lilburne was unable to agree with the last speaker, 
and thought previous opinions ' not of God.' 

L ieutenant- General Cromwell. 

1 To that which hath been moved concerning the 
Negative vote, or things which have been delivered in 
papers, and otherwise may present a real pleasing, I do 
not say that they have all pleased ; for I think, that the 
King is King by contract, and I shall say, as Christ 
said, " Let him that is without sin cast the first stone." 
And mind that word of bearing one with another, 
[as] it was taught us to-day. If we had carried it on 
in the Parliament and by our power, without anything 
[being said of] that kind \ so that we could say we 
were without transgression, I should then say it were 
j ust to cut off transgressors ; but considering that we 
are in our own actions failing in many particulars, 
I think there is much necessity of pardoning of 
transgressors. 

For the actions that are to be done, and those that 
must do them, I think it is their 2 proper place to 
conform to the Parliament that first gave them their 
being, and I think it is [in]considerable whether 
they do contrive to suppress the power [s] of that 
power or no, if they do continue to suppress them. 
And how they can take the determination of command- 
ing men, conducting men, quartering men, keeping 
guards, without an authority otherwise than from 

1 ' without anything is laid on that kind ' in text. 
3 i.e. the Officers and Agitators of the Army. 



64 NOV. 1, 1647 

themselves, I am ignorant of. And therefore I think 
there is much [need] in the Army to conform to those 
things that are within their sphere. For those things 
that have been done in the Army, as this of The 
Case of the Army truly Stated, there is much in it 
useful and to be condescended to, but I am not satisfied 
how far we shall press [it] . Either they are a Parlia- 
ment, or no Parliament. If they be no Parliament, 
they are nothing and we are nothing likewise. If they 
be a Parliament, [I would say] we are to offer it to it, 
if I could see a visible presence of the people either 
by subscriptions or number ; for in the government of 
nations that which is to be looked after is the affec- 
tions of the people. And that I find which satisfies 
my conscience in the present thing [is this]. 

[The Jews,] they were first [divided into] families 
where they lived, and had heads of families, and they 
were first under Judges and [then] they were under 
Kings. When they came to desire a king, they had 
a king, first elective and secondly by succession. In 
all these kinds of government they were happy, and 
in all these governments they were happy and con- 
tented with it. And if you make the best of it 
[so may you be]. If you should change the govern- 
ment, to the best of it it is but a moral thing. It is 
but as St. Paul says, " dross and dung in comparison 
of Christ," and why we shall so far contest for tem- 
poral things [I know not]. Yet, if we cannot have 
this freedom 1 [we are told] we will venture life and 

1 Freedom to meddle with the Legislation of Parliament. 



NOV. 1, 1647 65 

livelihood for it ! When every man shall come to 
this condition, I think the State will come to desola- 
tion. And therefore the considering of what is fit for 
the kingdom does belong to the Parliament, — well com- 
posed in their creation and election, — how far I shall 
leave it to the Parliament to offer it. There may be 
care that the elections or forms of Parliament are very 
illegal, as I could name but one, for a Corporation to 
choose two. I shall desire that there may be a form 
for the electing of Parliaments and another thing, 
that [as] there is no assurance to the people but that 
it is perpetual, [somewhat may be added] which does 
satisfy the kingdom as [to] the perpetuity of the 
Parliament; and for other things that are to the 
King's negative vote, as may cast you off wholly, it 
hath been the resolution of the Parliament and of the 
Army. If there be a possibility of the Parliament's 
offering these things unto the King as may secure 
us, I think there is much may be said for the doing 
of it. 

As for the present condition of the Army I shall 
speak something of it. For the conduct of the Army, 
I perceive there are several declarations from the 
Army by calling rendezvous and otherwise, and dis- 
obligations to the General's order. I must confess 
I have a Commission from the General and I under- 
stand that I am to do by it. I shall conform to him 
according to the rules and discipline of war, and 
according to those rules I ought to be conformable. 
And therefore I conceive it is not in the power of any 

p 



66 NOV. 1, 1647 

particular men to call a rendezvous of a troop or 
regiment, or at least to disoblige the Army from 
those commands of the General, which must be de- 
structive to us in general or any particular man in the 
Army. [I am certain] that this way is destructive to 
the Army and to every particular man in the Army. 
I have been informed by some of the King's party, 
that if they give us rope enough we will hang 
ourselves, [and so we shall] if we do not conform 
to the rules of war. And therefore I shall move 
what we shall centre upon. If it have but the face 
of authority, if it be but an hare swimming over the 
Thames, [we] 1 will take hold of it rather than let 
it go.' 

Lieutenant Chillenden then spoke. Mr. Allen desired to 
stand by the resolution in the * Case of the Army ' to 
adhere to the Declarations of June 14, June 23, and 
Aug. 18. Lieutenant-Colonel Jubbes submitted certain 
queries, whether the Parliament could yet be purged, 
whether it would then be desirous of giving satisfaction, 
whether the King might not be declared guilty of all the 
bloodshed, whether Parliament might not reject the King's 
Act of Oblivion and do justice. Colonel Rainborow moved 
that the papers of the Committee might be read. Lieu- 
tenant-Colonel Goffe objected to Cromwell's suggestion 
that what was spoken by one of the company was not the 
mind of the Lord 2 , and thought that something spoken by 
others might be the ' mind of the Lord ' : they had sinned 
against the Lord in tampering with his enemies. 

1 * he ' in text. 

2 It will be observed that Cromwell does not say this, but Goffe doubtless 
refers to the general meaning of the speech. 



NOV. 1, 1647 67 

Lieutenant- General Cromtvell. 

' I shall not be unwilling to hear God speaking in 
any, but I think that God may [as well] be heard 
speaking in that which is to be read as otherwise. 

But I shall speak a word in that which Lieutenant- 
Colonel Goffe said, because it seems to come as 
a reproof to me, and I shall be willing to receive 
a reproof when it shall be in love, and shall be [so] 
given. But that which he speaks was, that at such 
a meeting as this we should wait upon God and the 
voice of God speaking in any of us. I confess it is an 
high duty, but when anything is spoken [as from 
God] I think the rule is, let the rest judge. But 
when anything is spoken, it is left to me to judge for 
my own satisfaction and the satisfaction of others, 
whether it be of the Lord or not, and I do no more. 
And I do not judge conclusively, negatively, that it 
was not of the Lord, but I do desire to submit it to all 
your judgements whether it was of the Lord or no? 
And I did offer some reasons which did satisfy me, 
I know not whether I did others. But if in those 
things we do speak, and pretend to speak from God, 
there may be mistakes of fact, if there be a mistake 
in the thing, in the reason of the thing, truly I think 
it is free for me to shew both the one and the other, if 
I can. Nay, I think it is my duty to do it, for no 
man receives anything in the name of the Lord further 
than [to] the light of his conscience appears. I can 
say in the next place, and I can say it heartily and 
freely as to the matter he speaks, I must confess 

F 2 



68 NOV. 1, 1647 

I have no prejudice, not the least thought of prejudice 
upon that ground ; I speak it truly as before the Lord. 
But this I think ; that it is no evil advertisement to 
wish \ in our speeches of righteousness and justice, 
to refer us to any Engagements that are upon us. 
And that which I have learnt in all [our] debates, 
I have still desired, — [that] we should still consider 
where we are, and what Engagements are upon us, 
and how we ought to go off as becomes Christians. 
And this is all that I aimed at, and I do aim at, 
And I must confess I had a marvellous reverence and 
awe upon my spirit when we came to speak, — let us 
speak one to another what God hath spoken to us, — 
and as I said before, I cannot say that I have received 
anything that I can speak as in the name of the Lord ; 
not that I can say that anybody did speak that 
which was untrue in the name of the Lord, but upon 
this ground, that when we say we speak in the name 
of the Lord, it is of an high nature.' 

Lieutenant-Colonel Goffe made an apology for what he 
had said before. Mr. Allen thought the King might be 
set up, if it could be done consistent with the liberties of 
the kingdom, if not, ' then down with him.' Colonel Rain- 
borow thought Mr. Allen spoke as if himself or some 
others there were against the name of King and Lords. 
Mr. Sexby thinks ' that we have gone about to heal Baby- 
lon, when she would not ; we have gone about to wash a 
Blackamore, to wash him white, which he will not.' A long 
speech is here attributed to Cromwell, but was clearly 
made by Ireton, whose style is very similar. It opens with 
the phrase ' I cannot but renew that caution that we should 

1 ' wish us ' in text. 



NOV 8, 1647 69 

take heed what we speak in the name of the Lord.' If 
this refers to Goffe's speech, it is unlikely to have been 
said by Cromwell, whose previous answer to it drew forth 
an apology; it would be very unlike him to rake into 
sores, after such a pleasant exchange of courtesy. More- 
over when Mr. Wildman attacks the argument, Ireton 
promptly responds as the speaker, and continues the argu- 
ment to the end of the proceedings : Cromwell takes no 
further part. The speech deals with the main difference 
of opinion — whether an interest could be given to the King 
and Lords with safety to the kingdom, or whether it could 
not. Ireton, Wildman, and others argue this at length, 
the subject shifting to the constitutional position and 
history of King and Lords, and the question of continuity 
of Parliaments. The last question has some bearing on 
Cromwell's first speech. Ireton asserts that Mr. Wildman 
and his friends would have Parliament meet, but say 
neither when nor where, whereas he and his friends prefer 
an Act for Biennial Parliaments. This account concludes 
as follows : ' Resolved, that the Council be adjourned till 
tomorrow and so from day to day till the proposals be all 
debated, and the same Committee to meet again.' 



8. 

Speech at the General Council, Putney, Nov. 8, 1647. 
[Substance only.] 

' The Lieutenant-General spoke much to express the 
danger of their principles who had sought to divide 
the Army, that the first particular of that which they 
called The Agreement of the People did tend very 
much to anarchy, that all those who are in the king- 
dom should have a voice in electing Representatives. 

Captain Bray made a long speech to take off what 



70 JAN. 3, 1648 

the Lieutenant-General said, and that what he called 
anarchy was for propriety. 

Lieutenant- General moved, to put it to the ques- 
tion, Whether that the Officers and Agitators be sent 
to their quarters, or yea, or no ? 

Resolution upon the question, yea ! ' 



9. 

Speech in the House of Commons, upon the Vote of 
. No Addresses, Jan. 3, 164§. 

[Substance only.] 
' Cromwell urged, that it was now expected the 
Parliament should govern and defend the kingdom by 
their own power and resolutions, and not teach the 
people any longer to expect safety and government 
from an obstinate man, whose heart God had hardened ; 
that those men who had defended the Parliament from 
so ' many dangers with the expense of their blood, 
would defend them herein with fidelity and courage 
against all opposition. Teach them not, by neglecting 
your own and the kingdom's safety, in which their 
own is involved, to think themselves betrayed and 
left hereafter to the rage and malice of an irrecon- 
cileable enemy, — whom they have subdued for your 
sake, and therefore are likely to find his future govern- 
ment of them insupportable and fuller of revenge than 
justice, — lest despair teach them to seek their safety 
by some other means than adhering to you, who will 



MARCH 23, 1649 71 

not stick to yourselves. How destructive such a 
resolution in them will be to you all, I tremble to 
think, and leave you to judge.' 

10. 

Speech at the General Council, on being asked to declare 
himself whether he would go to Ireland, or not, in 
command of the Parliamentary Army, Whitehall, 
March 23, 164f. 

'I told them also my will could not but be subject 
to those that were over me, barely considered as 
matter of will ; yet inasmuch as this business is of so 
great importance as it is, it was fit for me in the first 
place to consider, how God would incline my heart to 
it, how I might by seeking of him receive satisfaction 
in my own spirit as to my own particular. Not that 
I would put any terms upon the State in relation to 
myself, but that I would be glad to see a freeness and 
a clearness in my spirit to the work. And a second 
consideration was, that if their Lordships did think 
that the naming of a Commander-in-Chief might be 
some satisfaction to persons, to officers and soldiers 
to go, that it was very fit for me to have a little con- 
sideration to that in relation to them, that I might 
not be an occasion by any interest of mine to improve 
that interest to draw men over, and not to be well 
satisfied concerning a just and fitting provision for 
them before they went. And in the last place, the 
work being so weighty, I did think that it would 
require many things. I had had no serious thoughts 



72 MARCH 23, 1649 

of the business, and therefore [held it not fitting] for 
me to give [such] an answer, that they might give 
the Council an answer, That they had not only 
made [their offer of] "Commander-in-Chief" [but] 
that it was accepted by him. I did think fit that 
they should return back [this reply] to them, That, 
I having taken time till the beginning of next week, 
I hope no resolution will be expected from me before 
that time. 

I do confess, my Lord, I should desire that this 
business of Ireland I might not go upon it out of any 
personal respects whatsoever, and I would have per- 
sonal respects far from this Army. I do not think 
that God hath blessed this Army for the sake of any 
one man, nor has his presence been with it upon any 
such ground ; but that presence and blessing that 
God hath afforded this Army, it hath been of his 
own good pleasure, and to serve his own turn. That 
presence and blessing that he hath afforded us has 
been for his own name's sake, because he would do 
amongst the sons of men what seemed good in his 
eyes for the bringing of his glory and purpose to 
pass ; and upon this score has this Army undertaken 
all that it hath undertaken in the presence of God. 
It matters not who is our Commander-in-Chief, if 
God be so ; and if God be amongst us, and his 
presence be with us, it matters not who is our Com- 
mander-in-Chief. Truly I do believe that God hath 
so principled our Army that there is none amongst us 
[but] that if God should set us out [under] any man, 



MARCH 23, 1649 73 

we should come to this, to submit to one another in 
this for the work's sake. Therefore I would that we 1 
might think of this, — What is this business of Ireland ? 
What are our considerations in relation to England, 
to Scotland, to friends here or there, or enemies 
anywhere ? And if we, taking considerations of that 
kind, and seeking directions from his guidance, [work 
together] and answer the best guide that he shall give 
us, [I doubt not but he will bless us]. And therefore 
I shall be bold to offer to you some thoughts of mine 
and some considerations, which perhaps will best 
serve to ripen your resolutions as to this undertaking, 
that so you may [have your] undertaking from the 
Lord. 

You know how it hath pleased God to beat down 
all your enemies under your feet, both in this kingdom 
and the kingdom of Scotland ; and you have with 
simplicity of heart made this opposition to those 
enemies upon those honest and religious grounds, and 
that it is fit for godly., and honest, and religious men 
to propose to themselves. And God hath brought the 
war to an issue here, and given you a great fruit of 
that war, to wit, the execution of exemplary justice 
upon the prime leader of all this quarrel into the 
three kingdoms, and [upon] divers persons of very 
great quality who did co-operate with him in the 
destruction of this kingdom. Truly notwithstanding 
you have brought this work to this issue, yet it seems 
your work is not at an end. You have yet another 

1 ' I * in text, written over. 



74 MARCH 23, 1649 

enemy to encounter with, and friends to stand by. 
The interest you have fought for [you have] yet 
further to make good, not only to the end you may be 
able to resist those that have been heretofore your 
enemies, and are still your enemies, and are more 
enraged, and are not warned by those examples and 
those witnesses that God hath witnessed for you. 
But, [some will say,] they are removed at a further 
distance ! But they are joined together in strong 
combination to revive the work here again, that is 
certainly [they are] in the kingdom of Scotland, [and] 
in the kingdom of Ireland. In the kingdom of Scot- 
land you cannot so well take notice of what is done, 
nor of this that there is a very angry, hateful spirit 
there against this Army, as an Army of Sectaries, 
which you see all their papers do declare their quarrel 
to be against. And although God hath used us as 
instruments for their good, yet hitherto they are not 
sensible of it, but they are angry that God brought 
them his mercy at such an hand ; and this their anger, 
— though without any quarrelling of ours with them, — 
will return into their own bosoms, for God did do the 
work without us ; and they that are displeased with 
the instruments, their anger reaches to God and not to 
[those that serve] him. And you see they have de- 
clared the Prince of Wales their King, and endeavours 
are both here and there with that party to do what 
they can to co-operate with them to cause all this 
work to return again, and to seek the ruin and 
destruction of those that God hath ordained to be 



MARCH 23, 1649 75 

instrumental for their good. And I think you are not 
ignorant that a great party here does co-operate in the 
work and their spirits are embittered against us, 
[even] * though they might know, that if God had not 
used this poor Army instrumentally to do what they 
have done, they had not had a being at this time. But 
such is the good pleasure of God as to leave them to 
the blindness of their minds. 

I must needs say I do more fear, — not that I do 
think there is a ground to fear it will be, — but as a 
poor man that desires to see the work of God to 
prosper in our hands, I think there is more cause of 
danger from disunion amongst ourselves than by any- 
thing from our enemies ; and I do not know anything 
[that is] greater [danger] than that. And I believe, 
and I may speak with confidence, till we admire God 
and give him glory for what he has done [there is 
such danger] ; for all the rest of the world, Ministers 
and profane persons, all rob God of all the glory and 
reckon it to be a thing of chance that has befallen 
them. Now if we do not depart from God and dis- 
unite by that departure and fall into disunion amongst 
ourselves, I am confident, we doing our duty and 
waiting upon the Lord, we shall find he will be as 
a wall of brass round about us till we have finished 
that work that he has for us to do. And yet not to 
be sensible that this is the rage and malice of our 
enemies. ... I wish that they may see their error, 
those that are good amongst them, and repent, but 

1 c and ' in text. 



76 MARCH 23, 1649 

certainly this wrath of theirs shall turn to their hurt, 
and God will restrain the remainder that it shall not 
hurt us. 

In the next place we are to consider Ireland. All 
the Papists and the King's party, I cannot say all the 
Papists but the greatest party of them, are in a very 
strong combination against you, and they have made 
an union with those apostate forces that were under 
Inchiquin and the Confederate Catholics of Ireland ; 
and all that party are in a very strong combination 
against you. The last letters that the Council of 
State had from thence do plainly import, that Preston 
has 8,ooo foot and 8oo horse, that TaafFe has as 
many, that my Lord Clanricarde has the same pro- 
portion, that my Lord Inchiquin and my Lord Ormond 
have a matter of 3,coo foot and 8oo horse, that these 
are all agreed and ready in conjunction to root out 
the English interest in Ireland and to set up the 
Prince of Wales his interest there likewise, and to 
endeavour as soon as they can to attempt upon our 
interest in Leinster and Ulster and Connaught. In 
all [of] which provinces we have an interest, but in 
Munster none at all. And though [we are fortunate 
in] that interest we have in these three provinces, it 
is not so considerable but if these Confederate forces 
shall come upon them, it is more than probable, 
without a miracle from heaven, that our interest will 
easily be eradicated out of those parts. And truly 
this is really believed, if we do not endeavour to 
make good our interest there, and that timely, we 



MARCH 23, 1649 77 

shall not only have, as I said before, our interest 
[rooted] 1 out there, but they will in a very short 
time be able to land forces in England, and to put 
us to trouble here. And I confess I have had these 
thoughts with myself, that perhaps may be carnal and 
foolish. I had rather be over-run with a Cavalierish 
interest [than] 2 a Scotch interest ; I had rather be 
over-run with a Scotch interest than an Irish interest ; 
and I think of all, this is the most dangerous, and if 
they shall be able to carry on this work they will 
make this the most miserable people in the earth. 
For all the world knows their barbarism, — [I speak] 
nob [of those] of any [one] religion, almost any of 
them but in a manner [are] as bad as Papists, — and 
you see how considerable they are at this time. And 
truly it is thus far, that the quarrel is brought to this 
state, that we can hardly return unto that tyranny 
that formerly we were uncler the yoke of, which 
through the mercy of God hath been lately broken, 
but we must at the same time be subject to the 
kingdoms of Scotland, or the kingdom of Ireland for 
the bringing in of the King. Now it should awaken 
all Englishmen, who perhaps are willing enough he 
should have come in upon an accommodation. But 
now he must come from Ireland or Scotland ! 

This being so, I would not have this Army now 
so much to look at considerations that are personal, 
whether or no we shall go if such a Commander go 
or such a Commander go, and make that any part 

1 ' voted ' in text. 2l of in text 



78 MARCH 23, 1649 

of our measure or foundation : but let us go, if God 
go. If that we be still in our calling, prosecuting that 
cause that hitherto we have been engaged in, and [if] 
the opposing those enemies be a part of that cause, — 
wherein we desire that there may be no personal re- 
spects in it, — and if we be satisfied in our judgements 
and consciences that he is in it, [I would] that you 
would let this be your motive. And I do profess it 
as before the Lord of Heaven, and as in his presence, 
I do not speak this to you that I would shift at all 
from the command or in any sneaking way or in 
any politic [way] lead you to an engagement, before 
I declare my thoughts in the thing, whether I go or 
stay, as God shall incline my heart to [it]. And if 
you undertake it upon these grounds, I am confident 
there will not be so much dispute amongst those who 
shall go as who shall stay. My meaning is, you will, 
every honest heart that sees a freedom of their ways, 
will rather be whetted on out of love to God and 
duty to God, to go where he may do him most service, 
rather than stay, besides I say, except it be that God 
cast [hindrances] in men's ways by necessity of re- 
lations or laying any law upon men's hearts, and 
besides that [that] may otherwise hinder them. I do 
not speak this as thinking but that he may be as 
honest a man that does desire to go or stay. Doing 
service to God and giving glory to God will be the 
best motive to this work, aye, it will be much better 
to have considerations of this kind, than to lay this 
as the foundation, who shall command in chief. For 



MARCH 23, 1649 79 

my own part though the Council of State hath put 
that upon me, yet I have desired them to give me till 
Tuesday to give in my answer. [I desire you there- 
fore now] to give your resolutions as to the particular 
regiments that are to go in that kind, and to state 
what other demands you will make for your going 
that will enable those to go and to have a subsistence 
when they go.' 

Somebody, whose name is not given, gave details of the 
proposed force, '8,ooo foot, 3,000 horse, and 1,200 dragoons,' 
but Sir Hardress Waller 'made some objections, that he 
thought the work would not go forward till it be known 
whether the Commander-in-Chief named will go or not.' 

Cromwell. ' I offer this, that the Army do move for 
such provisions as may be fit for honest men to ask ; 
and if you go upon that account I think my resolution 
will be known before yours, and that will be properly 
in the nature of things. It will be best and fittest 
for you to consider of that first, if there be a designed 
part of the Army to go, as there will probably. 
I hope we are such a generation of men. I am sure 
God so binds us about as with a garment, therefore 
we are to look one upon another, all of us being ready 
to do it as if it were our own case. And therefore 
I think, in order to your proceedings, it will be better 
to consider who shall go and what is due to him and 
to provide for him. And truly this will spend as 
much time as Tuesday next comes to, as to the point 
of arrears, and of provision what will serve for honest 
men to carry on the work.' 



80 MA Y 26, 1649 

11. 

Speech in the House of Commons, narrating the late 
proceedings against the Levellers, Saturday, May 26, 

1649. 

[Substance only.] 

'Lieutenant-General Cromwell being come post to 
town the last night, made a narrative this day to the 
House of the Army's proceeding against those termed 
Levellers ; and how they are suppressed, and the 
design, by God's providence, prevented from further 
going on within the kingdom, which otherwise might 
have been very dangerous, and destructive to the 
whole nation ; the discontents before mentioned in 
the Isle of Wight, Portsmouth, and other castles there- 
abouts, allayed and all in quiet. The House hereupon 
ordered, that the thanks of the House should be given 
to Lieutenant- General Cromwell for his great care 
and courage in this business against the Levellers. 
Mr. Speaker, according to the said resolution, stood 
up, and gave him the hearty thanks of the House 
accordingly.' 

12. 

Speech to the people of Dublin on his arrival, 
"Wednesday, Aug. 15, 1649. 

[Substance only.] 

1 The winds being favourable, quickly brought them 

to Dublin, where they were received with all the signs 

of joy imaginable; the great guns echoed forth their 

welcome, and the people's acclamations resounded in 



MA Y 31, 1650 81 

every street. When Cromwell, the now Lord Go- 
vernor, was come into the City, — the concourse of 
people being very great to see him, whom before they 
had heard so much of, — at a convenient place he 
made a stand, and in a humble posture, having put 
his hat in his hand, he speaks thus to the people : 
That as God had brought him thither in safety, so he 
doubted not but, by his divine providence, to restore 
them all to their just liberties and proprieties ; and 
that all those whose heart's affections were real for the 
carrying on of the great work against the barbarous 
and bloodthirsty Irish, and the rest of their adherents 
and confederates, for the propagating of the Gospel of 
Christ, the establishing of truth and peace, and re- 
storing that bleeding nation to its former happiness 
and tranquillity, should find favour and protection 
from the Parliament of England and himself; and 
withal should receive such endowments and gratuities 
as should be answerable to their merits. 

This speech was highly applauded by the people, 
and answer returned by many hundreds, that they 
would live and die with him.' 

13. 

Speech in reply to the congratulations of the Lord Mayor 
and Aldermen of the City of London on his safe return 
from Ireland, at his lodgings near Whitehall, Friday, 
May 31, 1650. 

[Substance only.] 

' This week the Lord Mayor and Aldermen of the 
City of London visited the Lord Cromwell at his 

a 



82 JUNE 25, 1650 

lodgings near Whitehall, and the Recorder not beiDg 
well in health, Mr. Sadler, the Town-Clerk of the 
City, made a Speech, acknowledging God's great mercy 
in carrying his Excellency through so many diffi- 
culties in Ireland, and bringing him victoriously 
hither again, &c. Unto which his Lordship made 
a modest reply, returning the praise and glory thereof 
to God alone.' 

14. 

Speeches, in Committee, to the Lord General Fairfax, 
as to the proposed invasion of Scotland ; Whitehall, 
June 25. 1650. 

Lieutenant- General Cromwell. 

'My Lord General, we are commanded by the 
Council of State to confer with your Excellency, 
touching the present design, — whereof you have heard 
some debate in the Council, — of marching the army 
under your command into Scotland. And because 
there seemed to be some hesitation in yourself as to 
that journey, this Committee were appointed to en- 
deavour to give your Excellency satisfaction in any 
doubts of yours which may arise concerning that 
affair, and the grounds of that resolution of the 
Council for the journey into Scotland.' 

The Lord General, in reply to other speeches of a like 
nature, states, ' That I think it doubtful, whether we 
have a just cause to make an invasion upon Scotland. 
With them we are joined in the national League and 
Covenant,' &c. 



JUNE 25, 1650 83 

Lieutenant- General Cromwell. 

• I confess, my Lord, that if they have given us no 
cause to invade them, it will not be justifiable for us 
to do it ; and to make war upon them without a suffi- 
cient ground for it will be contrary to that which in 
conscience we ought to do, and displeasing both to God 
and good men. But, my Lord, if they have invaded 
us, as your Lordship knows they have done, since the 
national Covenant, and contrary to it in that action of 
[the] D[uke] of Hamilton, which was by order and 
authority from the Parliament of that kingdom, and 
so the act of the whole nation by their representatives ; 

And if they now give us too much cause of suspicion, 
that they intend another invasion upon us, joining 
with their King, with whom they have made a full 
agreement without the assent or privity of this 
Commonwealth, and are very busy at this present in 
raising forces and money to carry on their design ; 

If these things are not a sufficient ground and cause 
for us to endeavour to provide for the safety of our 
own country, and to prevent the miseries which an 
invasion of the Scots would bring upon us, I humbly 
submit it to your Excellency's judgement. 

That they have formerly invaded us, and brought 
a war into the bowels of our country, is well known 
to all : wherein God was pleased to bless us with 
success against them. And that they now intend 
a new invasion upon us, I do as readily believe, and 
have as good intelligence of it as we can have of 
anything that is not yet acted. 

G 2 



84 JUNE 25, 1650. 

Therefore I say, my Lord, that upon these grounds 
I think we have a most just cause to begin, or rather 
to return, and requite their hostility first begun upon 
us ; and thereby, to free our country, — if God shall be 
pleased to assist us, and I doubt not but he will, — 
from the great misery and calamity of having an 
army of Scots within our country. That there will 
be war between us, I fear is unavoidable. Your 
Excellency will soon determine, whether it be better 
to have this war in the bowels of another country or 
of our own. And that it will be in one of them, 
I think it without scruple.' 

The Lord General thinks so too, but would rather stand 
on ' defence ' ; probabilities of war not being sufficient 
grounds to make war. 

Lieutenant-General Cromwell. 

' I suppose your Excellency will be convinced of 

this clear truth, that we are no longer obliged by the 

League and Covenant, which they themselves did first 

break.' 

His Excellency is not convinced, however, but says he is 
willing to lay down his Commission. 

Lieutenant- General Cromwell. 

'I am very sorry your Lordship should have 
thoughts of laying down your Commission, by which 
God hath blessed you in the performance of so many 
eminent services for the Parliament. I pray, my 
Lord, consider all your faithful servants, us who are 
officers, who have served under you, and desire to 
serve under no other General. It would be a great 



JAN -MA V, 1653 85 

discouragement to all of us, and a great discourage- 
ment to the affairs of the Parliament, for our noble 
General to entertain thoughts of laying down his 
Commission. I hope your Lordship will never give 
so great an advantage to the public enemy, nor so 
much dishearten your friends, as to think of laying 
down your Commission.' 

15. 

Speech to the Council of Officers, Jan. 165f . 
[Substance only.] 
' That if they should trust the People in an Elec- 
tion of a New Parliament, according to the old 
Constitution, it would be a tempting of God, and 
that his confidence was, that God did intend to save 
and deliver this Nation by a few, as he had done in 
former times, and that five or six men, and some few 
more, setting themselves to the work, might do more 
in one day, than the Parliament had or would do in 
a hundred, as far as he could perceive ; and that such 
unbiassed men were like to be the only instruments 
of the people's happiness.' 

16. 

Speech to Sheriff Estwicke and divers Aldermen of the 

City of London, May 20, 1653. 

[Substance only.] 

'Upon Friday last divers Aldermen and Sheriff 

Estwicke presented a petition to the Lord General to 



86 JULY 4, 1653 

have the old Parliament called again. The General 
told them, that what was done was done upon ad- 
vice and debate before it was done, and it hath 
been since debated ; that he and the officers of the 
Army were well satisfied in what was done, and that 
there had come no complaints to them from the 
people of what was done ; that the King's head was 
not taken off because he was King, nor the Lords 
laid aside because Lords, neither was the Parliament 
dissolved because they were a Parliament, but because 
they did not perform their trust. He told them, that 
if any disturbances should hereafter arise about what 
was done, that should occasion the spilling of blood, 
he should suspect them to be the abettors and pro- 
moters thereof, warned them to look to the peace, 
and so sent back our wise men/ &c. 



17. 

The Lord General Cromwell's speech, delivered in the 
Council-Chamber upon the 4th of July, 1653, to the 
persons then assembled and intrusted with the Supreme 
Authority of the Nation. 

' Gentlemen, 

I suppose the Summons that hath been instru- 
mental to bring you hither gives you well to under- 
stand the cause of your being here. Howbeit, having 
something to impart, which is an Instrument drawn 
up by the consent and advice of the principal Officers 
of the Army, — which is a little, as we conceive, more 



JUL Y 4, 1653 87 

significant than that other 1 of summons, — we have 
that here to tender you. And we have somewhat 
likewise further to say to you for our own exonera- 
tion, and we hope it may be somewhat further to 
your satisfaction ; and therefore seeing you sit here 
somewhat uneasy by reason of the scantiness of the 
room and the heat of the weather, I shall contract 
myself with respect to that. 

I have not thought it amiss a little to mind you 
of that series of providence, wherein the Lord hitherto 
hath dispensed wonderful things to these nations, 
from the beginning of our troubles to this very day. 
If I should look much backward, we might remember 
the state of affairs as they were before the short, and 
that which was the last Parliament. In what a pos- 
ture the things of this nation stood, doth so well 
I presume occur to all your memories and know- 
ledges, that I shall not need to look so far backward, 
nor yet to the beginning of those hostile actions that 
passed between the King that was and the then Par- 
liament. And indeed should I begin this labour, the 
things that would fall necessarily before you, would 
rather be fit for a history than for a discourse at this 
present. 

But thus far we may look back. You very well 
know, after divers turnings of affairs, it pleased God, 
much about the midst of this war, to winnow, as 
I may so say, the forces of this nation and to put 
them into the hands of men of other principles than 

1 ' than the letter of,' Milton State Papers. 



88 JULY 4, 1653 

those that did engage at the first. By what strange 
providences that also was brought about, would ask 
more time than is allotted me to remember you of. 
Indeed there are stories that do recite those trans- 
actions and give narratives of matter of fact, but [they 
are not particular in] those things wherein the life 
and power of them lay, those strange windings and 
turnings of providence, those very great appearances 
of God in crossing and thwarting the designs of men, 
that he might raise up a poor and contemptible com- 
pany of men, neither versed in military affairs nor 
having much natural propensity to them, even through 
the owning of a principle of godliness, — of Religion. 
Which so soon as it came to be owned and the state 
of affairs put upon the foot of that account, how God 
blessed them and all undertakings by the rising of 
that most improbable, despicable, contemptible means, 
— for that we must for ever own, — you very well 
know. 

What the several successes have been is not fit to 
mention at this time neither, though I must confess 
I thought to have enlarged myself upon this subject, 
forasmuch as the considering the works of God, and 
the operation of his hands, is a principal part of our 
duty, and a great encouragement to the strengthening 
of our hands and of our faith for that which is behind. 
And then having given us those marvellous dispen- 
sations amongst other ends, for that was a most 
principal end, as to us in this revolution of affairs 
and issues of those successes God was pleased to give 



JULY 4, 1653 89 

this nation and the authority that then stood, were 
very great things brought about ; besides those dints 
that were upon those nations and places where they 
were carried on 1 , even in the civil affairs, to the 
bringing offenders to justice even the greatest ; to the 
bringing the state of this government to the name 
at least of a Commonwealth ; to the searching and 
sifting of all places and persons ; the King removed 
and brought to justice and many great ones with him ; 
the House of Peers laid aside ; the House of Commons, 
the representative of the people of England, itself 
winnowed, sifted and brought to a handful, as you 
may very well remember. 

And truly God would not rest there, — for by the 
way, although it be fit for us to entitle our failings 
and miscarriages to ourselves, yet the gloriousness 
of our work may well be attributed to God himself, 
and may be called his strange work ; — you may 
remember well that at the change of the government 
there was not an end of our troubles, although that 
year were such things transacted as indeed make it 
to be the most memorable year, I mean 1648, that ever 
this nation saw ; so many insurrections, invasions, 
secret designs, open and public attempts, quashed in 
so short a time, and this by the very signal appear- 
ances of God himself, [which] 2 I hope we shall never 
forget. You know also, as I said before, that as the 
effect of that memorable year, 1648, was to lay the 

1 ' where the war was carried on } ' Milton State Papers. 

2 Milton State Papers. 



90 JUL Y 4, 1653 

foundation of bringing delinquents to punishment, so 
it was of the change of the government, although it 
be true, if we had time to speak, the carriages of 
some in trust, in most eminent trust, was such, as 
would have frustrated to us the hopes of all our 
undertakings had not God miraculously prevented, — 
I mean, by that closure that would have been endea- 
voured by the King, whereby we should have put 
into his hands all that cause and interest we had 
opposed, and had nothing to have secured us but 
a little piece of paper. But things going [on] \ how 
it pleased the Lord to keep this nation in exercise 
both at sea and land, and what God wrought in 
Ireland and Scotland you likewise know, until the 
Lord had finished all that trouble upon the matter 
by the marvellous salvation wrought at Worcester. 

I confess to you I am very much troubled in my 
spirit, that the necessity of affairs doth require that 
I should be so short in these things, because I told 
you before, this is the leanest part of the transaction, 
to wit an historical narration ; there being,— in every 
dispensation, whether the King's going from the 
Parliament, the pulling down the Bishops, purging 
the House at that time by their going away to assist 
the King, change of government, whatever it was, — 
not any of those things but hath a remarkable point 
of providence set upon it, that he that runs may read. 
Therefore I am heartily sorry that in point of time 

1 ' out' in text. Corrected on p. 27, Errata. l That thing going off' in 
Milton State Papers. 



JUL Y 4, 1653 91 

I cannot be particular in those things which I did 
principally design this day, thereby to provoke and 
stir up your hearts and mine to gratitude and con- 
fidence. 

I shall now begin a little to remember you the 
passages that have been transacted since Worcester 
fight ; whence coming with my fellow officers and 
soldiers, we expected, and had some reasonable con- 
fidence that our expectations should not be frustrate, 
that the authority that then was, having such a 
history to look back unto, such a God that appeared 
for them so eminently, — so visibly that even our 
enemies many times confessed that God himself was 
engaged against them, or they should never have been 
brought so low, nor disappointed in every under- 
taking ; for that may be said by the way, had we 
miscarried but once, where had we been? — I say, we 
did think, and had some reasonable confidence, that 
coming up then, the mercies that God had shewed, 
the expectations that were in the hearts of all good 
men, would have prompted those in authority to have 
done those good things, which might by honest men 
have been judged a return fit for such a God and 
worthy of such mercies, and indeed a discharge of 
duty to those for whom all these mercies have been 
shewed, that is, the interest of the three nations, the 
true interest of the three nations. And if I should 
now labour to be particular in enumerating some 
businesses that have been transacted from that time 
till the dissolution of the late Parliament, indeed 



92 JULY 4,1653 

I should be upon a theme [which] would be very 
troublesome to myself. For I must say for myself 
and fellow officers, we have rather desired and studied 
healing, than to rake into sores and look backward, 
to render things in those colours that would not be 
very well pleasing to any good eye to look upon. 
Only this we must say for our own exoneration 1 , and 
as thereby laying some foundation for the making 
evident the necessity and duty that was incumbent 
upon us to make this last great change. I think it 
will not be amiss to offer a word or two in that, 
not taking pleasure to rake into the business were 
not there some kind of necessity so to do. 

Indeed we may say, without commending ourselves, 
— I mean myself and those gentlemen that have been 
engaged in the military affairs, — that upon our return, 
we came fully bent in our hearts and thoughts to 
desire and use all fair and lawful means we could, to 
have had the nation to reap the fruit of all that blood 
and treasure that had been expended in this cause ; 
and we have had many desires and thirstings in our 
spirits to find out ways and means, wherein we might 
anyways be instrumental to help it forward. And 
we were very tender for a long time so much as to 
petition, — till August last, or thereabouts, we never 
offered to petition, — but some of our then Members, 
and others, having good acquaintance and relation to 
divers Members of the Parliament, we did from time 
to time solicit that which we thought, if there had 

1 ' vindication ' in Milton State Papers. 



JUL Y 4, 1653 93 

been nobody to prompt them, nobody to call upon 
them, would have been listened to out of ingenuity 
and integrity in them that had opportunity to have 
answered our expectations. And truly when we 
saw nothing would be done, we did, as we thought 
according to our duty, remind them by a petition, 
which petition I suppose the most of you have seen, 
which we delivered either in July or August last. 
What effect that had, is likewise very well known. 
The truth is, we had no return at all [that was 
satisfaction for us, but] 1 a few words given us. The 
business petitioned for, most of them, we were told, 
were under consideration ; and those that were not, 
had very little or no consideration at all. 

Finding the people dissatisfied in every corner of 
the nation, and bringing home to our doors the non- 
performance of those things that had been promised 
and were of due to be performed, we did think our- 
selves concerned. We endeavoured, as became honest 
men, to keep up the reputation of honest men in the 
world, and therefore we had divers times endeavoured 
to obtain a meeting with divers Members of Par- 
liament ; and truly we did not begin this till October 
last, and in those meetings did in all faithfulness and 
sincerity beseech them, that they would be mindful 
of their duty to God and man, and of the discharge 
of their trust to God and man. I believe these 
gentlemen, that are many of them here, can tell that 
we had at the least ten or twelve meetiugs, most 

1 ' that the satisfaction for us, uxis but ' in text ; corrected in Errata. 



94 JUL Y 4, 1653 

humbly begging and beseeching them, that of their 
own accords they would do those good things that 
had been promised, that so it might appear they did 
not do them by any suggestion from the Army but 
of their own ingenuity : so tender were we to pre- 
serve them in the reputation and opinion of the 
people to the uttermost. And having had many of 
those meetings, and declaring plainly that the issue 
would be the judgement and displeasure of God 
against them, the dissatisfaction of the people and 
the putting things into a confusion, yet how little 
we did prevail, we well know, and we believe is not 
unknown to you. 

At the last, when we saw indeed that things would not 
be laid to heart, we had a serious consideration amongst 
ourselves what other way to have recourse unto. And 
when indeed we came to those close considerations, 
they began to take the Act of the New Representa- 
tive to heart and seemed exceeding willing to put it 
on; the which, had it been done, or would it have 
been done, with that integrity, with that caution, 
that would have saved this cause and the interest we 
have been so long engaged in, there could nothing 
have happened to our judgements more welcome than 
that would have been. But finding plainly that the 
intendment of it was not to give the people that right 
of choice, all thought it had been but a [seeming] l right, 
the seeming to give the people that choice [which was] 

1 ' aseding right either the seeming ' in text. See Notes. 



JULY 4, 1653 95 

intended and designed to recruit the House the better 
to perpetuate themselves. And truly [divers of us being 
spoken to] \ to that end that we should give way 
to it, — a thing to which we had a perpetual [aver- 
sion] 2 , which we did abominate the thoughts of, — we 
always declared our judgements against it and our 
dissatisfaction. But yet, they [that] would not hear 
of a Representative before, — it lay three years before 
them without [their] proceeding with one line con- 
siderably in it, — they, that would not endure to hear 
of it, then, when we came to our close considerations, 
then, instead of protracting, they did make as much 
preposterous haste [on] 3 the other hand and ran into 
that extremity. And finding that this spirit was not 
according to God, and that the whole weight of this 
cause, which must needs have been very dear unto us 
who have so often adventured our lives for it, and we 
believe is so to you, when we saw plainly that there 
was not so much consideration how to assert it, or to 
provide security for it, [as] 4 indeed to cross these 
that they reckoned the most troublesome people they 
had to deal with, which was the Army, which by this 
time was sufficiently their displeasure ; when we saw 
this, truly, that had power in our hands, — to let the 
business go to such an issue as this, was to throw 
back the cause into the hands of them we first fought 
with, — we came to this first conclusion amongst 

1 ' truly having divers of us spoken to ' in text : corrected in Etrata. 

2 Milton State Papers ; ' aversation ' in text. 

3 ' of in text. * ' and ' in text. 



96 JULY 4, 1653 

ourselves, that if we had been fought out of it, 
necessity would have taught us patience ; but [that 
if it were] to be taken from us so unworthily, we 
should be rendered the worst people in the world, 
and we should become traitors both to God and man. 
And when God had laid this to our hearts, and we 
found that the interest of his people was grown cheap 
and not laid to heart, and [that] if we came to com- 
petition of things the cause, even among themselves, 
would even almost in everything go to the ground, 
this did add more consideration to us that there was 
a duty incumbent upon us. And truly, I speak it in 
the presence of some that are here, that were at the 
close consultations, — [held] I may say as before the 
Lord, — the thinking of an act of violence was to us 
worse than any engagement that ever we were in 
yet, and worse to us than the utmost hazard of our 
lives that could be, so unwilling were we, so tender 
were we, so desirous were we, if it were possible, that 
these men might have quit their places with honour. 
And truly this I am the longer upon because it hath 
been in our hearts and consciences, our justification, 
and hath never yet been imparted [thoroughly] x to 
the nation. And we had rather begin with you to do 
it, than to have done it before, and do think indeed 
that these transactions be more proper for a verbal 
communication, than to have put it into writing. 
I doubt, whosoever had put it on [paper] would 
have been tempted to have dipt his pen in anger and 

1 * thorow ' in text. 



JULY 4, 1653 97 

wrath K But affairs being at this posture that we 
saw plainly and evidently in some critical things, 
that the cause of the people of God was a despised 
thing, truly then we did believe that the hands of 
other men, must be the hands that must be trusted 
with it, and then we thought [it] high time for us 
to look about us and to be sensible of our duty. 

If I should take up your time to tell you what 
instances we have to satisfy our judgements and con- 
sciences, that these were [not] 2 vain imaginations and 
things that were petitioned for, but [things] that fell 
within the compass of our certain knowledge and 
sense, should I repeat these things to you, I should 
do that which I would avoid, to rake into these things 
too much. Only this. If any body were in competi- 
tion for any place of real and [signal] 3 trust, how 
hard and difficult a thing it were to get anything to be 
carried without making parties, without things indeed 
unworthy of a Parliament ! And when things must 
be carried so in a supreme authority, indeed I think 
it is not as it ought to be. But when it came to 
other trials, [as] in that case of Wales, which I must 
confess for my own part I set myself upon, if I should 
inform [you] what discountenance that business of 
the poor people of God there had, who had watchings 
over them, men like so many wolves ready to catch 
the lamb as soon as it was brought out into the 

1 ' whosoever had penned it would have dipped his pen in vinegar.' 
Tanner MS. 52. 



2 ' most ' in text : corrected in Errata. 

3 'Jinall ' in text : corrected in Errata. 



98 JULY 4, 1653 

world ; [if I should inform you] how signally they 
threw that business under foot to the discounten- 
ancing of the honest people there, and to the coun- 
tenancing of the malignant party of this Common- 
wealth — I need but say it was so ; many have felt 
by sad experience it was so, who will better impart 
that business to you. Which, for myself and fellow 
officers, I think it was as perfect [a] 1 trial of their 
spirits as anything, it being known to many of us 
that God kindles a seed there, indeed hardly to be 
paralleled since the primitive times. I would this 
had been all the instances, but finding which way 
their spirits went, and finding that good was never 
intended to the people of God, — I mean, when I say 
so, that large comprehension of them under the 
several forms of godliness in this nation, — when 
I saw that tenderness was forgotten to them all, 
though it was very true that by their hands and 
means, through the blessing of God, they sat where 
they did, and [the late] affrays, not to speak it boast- 
ingly, had been instrumentally brought to that issue 
they were brought to by the hands of those poor 
creatures, we thought this an evil requital. I will 
not say that they were at the uttermost pitch of refor- 
mation, although I could say that [in regard to] one 
thing, the regulation of the Law, so much groaned 
under in that posture it now is in. There were many 
words spoken for it. We know [that] many months 
together was not time enough to pass over one word 

1 Corrected in Errata. 



JULY 4, 1653 99 

called " Incumbrances." I say, finding that this was 
the spirit and complexion of them, [although] 1 these 
were faults for which no man should have dared to 
lift his hand simply for their faults and failings, [yet 
when] 2 we saw their intendment was to perpetuate 
themselves and men of this spirit, — for some had it 
from their own mouths, from their own designs, who 
could not endure to hear of being dissolved, — [we 
thought] 3 this was an high breach of trust. If they 
had been a Parliament, never violated, sitting as free 
and as clear as ever any sat in England, yet if they 
would go about to perpetuate themselves, we did 
think this to be so high a breach of trust, as greater 
could not be. And we did not go by guess in this, 
and to be out of doubt in it we did, having [had] that 
conference among ourselves whereof we gave account, 
we did desire once more the night before the dissolu- 
tion, and it had been in our desires some two or three 
days before, that we might speak with some of the 
principal persons of the House, that we might with 
[ingenuity] 4 open our hearts to them, to the end 
that we might be either convinced of the ground of 
their principles and intentions to the good of the 
nation, or if we could not be convinced [that] they 
would hear our offer or expedient to prevent this 
mischief. And indeed we could not prevail for two 
or three days, till the night before the dissolution. 
There is a touch of this in that our Declaration, we 

1 ' that though ' in text. 2 ' when yet ' in text 

3 Milton Slate Papers. * l enuity ' in text : corrected in Errata. 

H 2 



100 JULY 4, 1653 

had often desired it ; at that time we attained. 
There were above twenty of them, who were Mem- 
bers, not of the least consideration for interest and 
ability, with whom we desired to discourse those 
things, and had discourse with them. And it pleased 
the gentlemen, [the] Officers of the Army, to desire 
me to offer their sense to them, and indeed it was 
shortly carried thus. We told them, that the reason 
of our desire to wait upon them was that we might 
know from them, what security lay in the way of 
their proceeding so hastily with their Representative, 
wherein they had made a few qualifications, such as 
they were, and how the whole business should be 
executed we have no account of. And we desired 
them they would be pleased [to inform us] ; and we 
thought we had an interest in our lives, estates, and 
families, as well as the worst people of the nation, 
and that we might be bold to ask satisfaction in 
that ; and [we told them] if they did proceed in 
honest ways, as might be safe to the nation, we 
might acquiesce therein. When we pressed them to 
give satisfaction in this, the answer was made, that 
nothing could be good for the nation but a continu- 
ance of this Parliament. We wondered that we 
should have such a return, [yet] we said little to 
that, but seeing that they would not give us that 
which might satisfy us that their way was honest 
and safe, [we begged] they would give us leave to 
make our objections. We did tell them, that we 
thought that way they were going in would be im- 



JULY 4, 1653 101 

practicable ; we could not tell them how it would be 
brought to pass, to send out an Act of Parliament 
into the country, to have qualifications in an Act to 
be the rules of electors and elected, and not to know 
who should execute this. [We] desired to know 
whether the next Parliament were not like to consist 
of all Presbyters ? Whether those qualifications 
would hinder them ? or Neuters ? And though it be 
our desire to value and esteem [those] of that judge- 
ment, only, they having been as we know, having 
deserted this cause and interest upon the King's 
account and upon that closure between them and the 
neighbour nation, we do think, we must profess we 
had as good as delivered up our cause into the hands 
of any, as into the hands of interested and biassed 
men. For it is one thing to live friendly and brotherly, 
to bear with and love a person of another judgement 
in religion, another thing to have any so far set into 
the saddle upon that account, as that it should be 
in them to have all the rest of their brethren at 
mercy. Having had this discourse, making these 
objections, of bringing in Neuters, or such as should 
impose upon their brethren, or such as had given 
testimony to the King's party ; and objecting to the 
danger of it, in drawing the concourse of all people 
to arraign every individual person, which indeed 
did fall obviously in ; and [objecting that] the 
issue would certainly have been the putting it into 
the hands of men that had little affection to this 
cause, the answer again was made, — and it was con- 



102 JULY 4, 1653 

fessed by some that these objections did lie, — but 
answer was made by a very eminent person at the 
same time as before, that nothing would save the nation 
but the continuance of this Parliament. This being 
so we humbly proposed an expedient of ours, which 
was indeed to desire, that the government being in 
that condition it was, and the things being under 
so much ill sense abroad and so likely to come to 
confusion in every respect if it went on, so we desired 
they would devolve the trust over to persons of 
honour and integrity that were well known, men 
well affected to religion and the interest of the na- 
tion ; which, we told them — and [it] was confessed, — 
had been no new thing when these nations had been 
under the like hurly-burly and distractions. And it 
was confessed by them, it had been no new thing. 
We had been at labour to get precedents to convince 
them of it, and we told them that these things we 
offered out of that deep sense we had of the good 
of the nations and the cause of Christ. And being 
answered to that, [that] nothing would save the nation 
but the continuance of that Parliament 7 , — although 
they would not say they would perpetuate it at that 
time least of all, but [we] finding their endeavours did 
directly tend to it, — they gave us this answer, that 
the things we had offered were of a tender and very 

1 ' And being answered to that ' refers to the Members' argument ' that 
nothing would save the nation . . .' We had been at labour to get precedents 
to convince them of the contrary, whereupon they shifted their ground and 
said the things we offered were of weighty consideration. 



JULY 4, 1653 103 

weighty consideration ; they did make objections how 
we should raise the money and some other objections. 
We told them, that that we offered as an expedient, 
because we thought [it] better than that for which no 
reason was, or [we] thought would be given. We 
desired them to lay the thing seriously to heart. 
They told us they would take consideration of these 
things till the morning, that they would sleep upon 
them, [and consult some friends, though, as I said, 
there was about twenty there] x and I think that 
there was scarce any day that there sat above fifty or 
fifty-two or fifty-three. At the parting two or three 
of the chief ones, the very chiefest of them, did tell us 
that they would endeavour the suspending the proceed- 
ings of the Representative the next day, till they had 
a further conference ; and [upon this we had great 
satisfaction] 2 , and we did acquiesce, and had hope, if 
our expedient would take up a loving debate, [that] 
the next day we should have some such issue of our 
debate as would have given satisfaction to all. They 
went away late at night, and the next morning, we 
considering how to order that which we had to offer 
to them when they were to meet in the evening, word 
was brought they were proceeding with a Represen- 
tative with all the eagerness they could. We did not 
believe persons of such quality could do it. A second 
and a third messenger told us they had almost finished 
it, and had brought it to that issue with that haste 
that had never been before, leaving out the things 

1 Milton State Papers. 2 Ibid. 



104 JULY 4, 1653 

that did necessarily relate to due qualifications, as we 
have heard since, resolved to make it a Paper Bill, 
not to Engross it, that they might make the quicker 
dispatch of it, thus to have thrown all the liberties 
of the nation into the hands that never bled for it. 
Upon this account we thought it our duty not to 
suffer it, and upon this the House was dissolved \ 

This we tell you that you may so know, that what 
hath been done in this dissolution of this Parliament, 
was as necessary to be done as the preservation of 
this cause ; and that [the] necessity that led us to do 
that, hath brought us to this issue of exercising an 
extraordinary way and course to draw yourselves 
together upon this account, that you are men who 
know the Lord, and have made observations of his 
marvellous dispensations, and may be trusted with 
this cause. 

It remains, (for I shall not acquaint you further 
with that that relates to your taking upon you this 
great business, that being contained in this paper in 
my hand, which I do offer presently to you to read,) 
having done that which we thought to have done 
upon this ground of necessity, which we know was 
not feigned necessity but real and true, to the end 
[that] the government might not be at a loss, to the 
end [that] we might manifest to the world the 
singleness of our hearts and integrity, who did those 
things not to grasp after the power ourselves, to keep 

1 Milton State Papers add ' even when the Speaker was going to put the 
last question.' 



JUL Y 4, 1653 105 

it in a military hand, no not for a day, [it remains], 
as far as God enables us with strength and ability, 
to put it into the hands that might be called from 
[the] several parts of the nation. This necessity 
I say, and we hope we may say for ourselves, this 
integrity of labouring to divest the sword of the power 
and authority in the civil administration of it, hath 
moved us to conclude of this course [of bringing you 
hither] ; and having done that, we think we cannot 
with the discharge of our consciences but offer some- 
what unto you, as I said before, for our own exonera- 
tion, it having been the practice of others, who have 
voluntarily and out of sense of duty divested them- 
selves [of authority] and devolved the government 
into the hands of others, it having been the practice 
where such things have been done, and very consonant 
to reason, together with the authority to lay a charge 
in such a way as we hope we do, and to press to the 
duty : [concerning] which we have a word or two to 
offer to you. 

Truly God hath called you to this work by, I think, 
as wonderful providences as ever passed upon the sons 
of men in so short a time ; and truly I think, taking 
the argument of necessity, for the government must 
not fall, [taking] x the appearances of the will of God 
in this thing, I am sure you would have been loathe it 
should have been resigned into the hands of wicked 
men and enemies ; I am sure God would not have it 
so. It comes therefore to you by way of necessity, it 

1 * take ' in text. 



106 JULY 4, 1653 

comes to you by the way of the wise providence of 
God, though through weak hands. And therefore 
I think, it coming through our hands, though such as 
we are, it may not be taken ill if we offer to you 
something as to the discharge of that trust which is 
incumbent upon you. And although I seem to speak 
that which may have the face of a charge, it is a very 
humble one, and he that means to be a servant to 
you, who are called to the exercise of the supreme 
authority, [desires only] to discharge that which he 
conceives is his duty in his own and his fellows' 
names to you, I hope who will take it in good part. 
And truly I shall not hold you long in that, because 
I hope it is written in your hearts to approve yourselves 
to God only. 

This Scripture I shall remember to you, which hath 
been much upon my spirit, Hosea eleven and [the] 
twelfth verse 1 , Yet Judah ruleth with God, and is 
faithful among the Saints ; it is said before, Ephraim 
did compass God about with lies and Israel with 
deceit. How God hath been compassed about with 
fastings and thanksgivings, and other exercises and 
transactions, I think we have all cause to lament. 
Why truly you are called by God to rule with him 
and for him, and you are called to be faithful with 
the Saints, who have been somewhat instrumental to 
your call. He that ruleth over men, the Scripture 
saith, he must be just, ruling in the fear of God. 

1 ' Hosea n and 12 verse ' in text. 



JULY 4, 1653 107 

And truly it is better to pray for you than to counsel 
you in that, that you may exercise the judgement of 
mercy and truth. I say it is better [to pray] for you 
to do it, than to advise you ; [better] to ask wisdom 
from heaven for you, which I am confident many 
thousands of Saints do this day, and have done and 
will do through the permission of God and his assis- 
tance, [than] to advise you. Only truly I thought of 
a Scripture likewise that seems to be but a Scripture 
of common application to every man as a Christian, 
wherein he is counselled to ask wisdom. And he is 
told what is that wisdom that is from above ; it is 
pure, peaceable, gentle, easy to be entreated, full of 
good fruits, without partiality, without hypocrisy. 
And my thoughts ran thus upon this, that the exe- 
cuting of the judgement of truth, — for that is the 
judgement, — that you must have wisdom from above 
for ; and that is pure. That will teach you to execute 
the judgement of truth. And then, if God give you 
hearts to be easy to be entreated, to be peaceable 
spirits, to be full of good fruits, bearing good fruits 
to the nation, to men as men, to the people of God, 
to all in their several stations, this wisdom will teach 
you [to] execute the judgement of mercy and truth ; 
and I have little more to say to this, I shall rather 
bend my prayers for you in that behalf as I said 
before, and I know many others do also. Truly the 
judgement of truth will teach you to be as just towards 
an unbeliever as towards a believer ; and it is our 
duty to do so. I confess I have often said it foolishly, 



108 JULY 4, 1G53 

if I would miscarry, I would rather do it to a believer 
than to an unbeliever. Perhaps it is a paradox, but 
let us take heed of doing it to either, [of] exercising 
injustice to either. If God till our hearts with such 
a spirit as Moses and Paul had, which was not only 
a spirit for the believers among the people of God, 
but for the whole people he would have died for them, 
and so Paul to his countrymen according to the flesh 
he could have died for them, truly this will help us 
to execute the judgement of truth and mercy also. 

A second thing is, to desire you would be faithful 
with the Saints. And I hope, whatever others may 
think, [it] ought to be to us all [a] matter of rejoicing, 
that as one person, our Saviour, was touched with 
our infirmities that he might be pitiful, [so] I do think 
this Assembly, thus called, is very much touched with 
the common infirmities of the Saints. And I hope 
that will teach you to pity others, that so Saints of 
one sort may not be our interest, but that we may 
have respect unto all, though of different judgements. 
And if I did seem to speak anything that might reflect 
upon those of the Presbyterian judgement, I think if 
you have not an interest of love for them, [you] will 
hardly answer this faithfulness to his Saints. I 
confess in my pilgrimage and some exercises I have 
had abroad, I did read that Scripture often in Isaiah 
forty-one, [verse] nineteen \ when God gave me and 
some of my fellows what he would there and else- 
where, which he performed for us. And what would 

1 'Isaiah 41 & 19 ' in text. 



JULY 4, 1653 109 

he do? to what end? That he might plant in the 
wilderness the cedar and the shittah tree, and the 
myrtle and palm tree together. To what end ? That 
they might know and consider, and understand together 
that the hand of the Lord hath done this ; and that 
the Lord hath created it, that he wrought all salvation 
and deliverance which he hath wrought, for the good 
of the whole flock. Therefore I beseech you, — but 
I think I need not, — have a care of the whole flock. 
Love all the sheep, love the lambs, love all, and tender 
all, and cherish all, and countenance all in all things 
that are good. And if the poorest Christian, the 
most mistaken Christian, should desire to live peace- 
ably and quietly under you, soberly and humbly 
desire to lead a life in godliness and honesty, let 
him be protected. 

I think I need as little advise you concerning the 
propagation of the Gospel, and encouraging such 
Ministers and such a Ministry as be faithful in the 
land, upon whom the true character is ; men that 
have truly received the spirit for such a use, which 
Christians will be well able to discern, and do ; men 
that have received gifts from him, that ascended on 
high and led captivity captive, for the work before 
mentioned. And truly the Apostle, Eomans xii, when 
he had summed up all the mercies of God and the 
goodness of God, and hath discoursed of the founda- 
tions of the Gospel and of the several things that are 
the subject of his discourse in the first eleven chapters, 
after he hath besought them to offer up their souls 



110 JULY 4, 1653 

and bodies a living sacrifice to God, he beseech eth 
[them] not to esteem more highly of themselves than 
they ought, but that they would be humble and sober- 
minded, and not stretch themselves beyond their line, 
but they would have a care to those that had received 
gifts to these uses there mentioned. I speak not, it 
is far from my heart, for a Ministry deriving itself 
through the Papacy and pretending to that which is 
so much insisted upon to be succession. The true 
succession is through the Spirit, given in that measure 
that the Spirit is given, and that is a right succession. 
But I need not discourse of these to you ; I am per- 
suaded you are taught of God in a greater measure 
than myself in these things. 

Indeed I have but one more word to say, and that 
is, though in that perhaps I shall shew my weakness, 
it is by way of encouragement to you to go on in this 
work. And give me leave to begin thus. I confess 
I never looked to see such a day as this, it may be 
nor you, when Jesus Christ shall be owned as he is 
this day and in this world. Jesus Christ is owned 
this day by you all, and you own him by your 
willingness in appearing here, and you manifest this, 
as far as poor creatures can, to be a day of the power 
of Christ by your willingness. I know you remember 
that Scripture in Psalm ex. 3, The people shall be 
willing in the day of thy poiver. God doth manifest 
it to be a day of the power of Jesus Christ, having 
through so much blood and so much trials as have been 
upon these nations ; made this to be one of the great 



JULY 4, 1653 111 

issues thereof, to have a people called to the supreme 
authority upon an avowed account. God hath owned 
his Son by this, and you by your willingness do own 
Jesus Christ. And therefore for my part I confess, 
I did never look to see such a sight. Perhaps you 
are not known by face one to another ; but we must 
tell you this, that indeed we have not allowed our- 
selves in the choice of one person, in whom we had 
not this good hope, that there was faith in Jesus 
Christ and love unto all his Saints and people. 

And thus God hath owned you in the face and eyes 
of the world, and thus by your coming hither have 
you owned him, as it is in Isaiah xliii. %i. It is an 
high expression, and look to your own hearts whether, 
now or hereafter, God shall apply it to you. This 
people, saith he, I have formed for myself, that they might 
shew forth my praise. It is a memorable place, and 
I hope not unfitly applied. God apply it to each of 
your hearts. I shall not descant upon the words ; they 
are plain. You are as like the forming of God as 
ever people were. If any man should ask you one by 
one and should tender a book to you, you would dare 
to swear, that neither directly nor indirectly did you 
seek to come hither. You have been passive in 
coming hither, in being called hither ; and that is an 
active word, This people have I formed. Consider the 
circumstances by which you are called together, 
through what difficulties, through what strivings, 
through what blood you are come hither. Neither 
you nor I, nor no man living, three months ago had 



112 JULY 4, 1653 

a thought to have seen such a company, taking upon 
them, or rather being called to the supreme authority. 
And therefore know [now your call] 1 . Indeed I think, 
as it may be truly said, that there never was a supreme 
authority, consisting of so numerous a body as you 
are, which I believe are above 140, were [ever] 2 in 
the supreme authority under such a [notion] 3 , in such 
a way of owning God and being owned by him. And 
therefore I say also, never a people formed for such 
a purpose, so called, if it were time to compare 
your standing with those that have been called 
by the suffrages of the people. Who can tell how 
soon God may fit the people for such a thing, and 
who would desire anything more in the world but 
that it might be so ? I would all the Lord's people 
were prophets, I would they were fit to be called and 
fit to call, and it is the longing of our hearts to see 
them once own the interest of Jesus Christ. And 
give me leave to say, if I know anything in the world, 
what is there [more] 4 like to win the people to the 
interest and love of God ? Nay, what a duty will lie 
upon you to have your conversation such, as that they 
may love .you, that they may see you lay out your 
time and spirits for them ? Is not this the most 
likely way to bring them to their liberties, and do 
you not by this put it upon God to find the time and 

1 ' know your are called ' in text : corrected in Errata. 

3 ' even ' in text : corrected in Errata. 

3 ' nation ' in text : corrected in Errata. 

4 ' what is there like ' in text : corrected in Errata. 



JULY 4, 1653 113 

the season for it by pouring forth his Spirit, at least 
by convincing them, that as men fearing God have 
[fought] 1 them out of their thraldom and bondage 
under the [regal] 2 power, so men fearing God rule 
them in the fear of God and take care to administer 
good unto them ? But this is some digression. I say, 
own your call ; for indeed it is marvellous and it is of 
God, and it hath been unprojected, unthought of by 
you and us. And that hath been the way God hath 
dealt with us all along, to keep things from our eyes, 
[so] that [in] what we have acted we have seen 
nothing before us ; which is also a witness in some 
measure to our integrity. I say, you are called with 
a high call ; and why should we be afraid to say or 
think, that this way may be the door to usher in 
things that God hath promised and prophesied of, and 
[so] 3 set the hearts of his people to wait for and 
expect 1 We know who they are that shall war with 
the Lamb against his enemies ; they shall be a people, 
called, chosen, and faithful. And [God] hath in the 
military way, — we must speak it without flattery, 
I believe you know it, — he hath acted with them and 
for them ; and now [he will act with them] in the 
civil power and authority. These are not ill prog- 
nostications for that good we wait for. Indeed I 
do think something is at the door. We are at the 
threshold, and therefore it becomes us to lift up our 

1 ' sought ' in text : corrected in Errata. 

2 ' legal ' in text : corrected in Errata. 

3 ' to* in text. 



114 JULY 4, 1653 

heads and to encourage ourselves in the Lord. And 
we have some of us thought it our duty to endeavour 
this way, not vainly looking on that prophecy in 
Daniel, And the Kingdom shall not be delivered to 
another people *. Truly God hath brought it into your 
hands by his owning and blessing, and calling out 
a military power. God hath persuaded their hearts to 
be instrumental in calling you ; and this hath been set 
upon our hearts and upon all the faithful in the land, 
it may be that it is not our duty to deliver it over 
to any other people, and that the Scripture may be 
fulfilling now to us, but I may be beyond my line. 
But I thank God I have my hopes exercised in these 
things, and so I am persuaded are yours. 

Truly seeing that these things are so, that you are 
at the edge of the promises and prophecies, — at least 
if there were neither promise for this, nor prophecy 2 , — 
[you should be sensible of] your [duty], coveting the 
best things, endeavouring after the best things. And 
as I have said elsewhere, if I were to choose the 
meanest officer in the Army or Commonwealth, I would 
choose a godly man that hath principles ; especially 
where a trust is to be committed, because I know 
where to have a man that hath principles. I believe 
if any man of you should choose a servant, you would 
do so, and I would all our Magistrates were so chosen ; 
that may be some effects of this [meeting]. It is our 

1 Daniel ii. 44. 

2 Milton State Papers, ' nor prophecy, yet you are carrying on the best 
things.' 



JULY 4, 1653 115 

duty to choose men that fear the Lord, who praise the 
Lord, yea, such as the Lord forms for himself, and he 
expects not praises from others. This being so, it puts 
me in mind of another Scripture, Psalm lxviii, which 
indeed is a glorious prophecy, and I am persuaded of 
the Gospel, or it may be of the Jews also. There it is 
prophesied, He will bring his people again out of the 
depths of the sea 1 , as once he led Israel through the 
Red Sea ; and it may be some do think God is bringing 
the Jews home to their station from the isles of the 
sea 2 , [but] surely when God sets up the glory of 
the Gospel-Church it shall be [a] gathering [of] 
people out of deep waters, out of the multitude of 
waters, [of] such [as] are his people, drawn out 
of the multitudes of the nations and people of 
the world. And that Psalm will be very glorious 
in many other parts of it, When he gave the word, 
great tvas the company of them that published it. Kings 
of the armies did fly apace and she that tarried at home 
divided the spoil. And although ye have lain among 
the pots, yet shall ye be as the ivings of a dove covered 
with silver and her feathers with yellow gold. And 
indeed the triumph of that Psalm is exceeding high 
and great, and God is accomplishing it. And the 
close of it, that closeth with my heart and I am per- 
suaded with yours also. That God, shakes hills and 
mountains and they reel, and God hath a hill too, and 
his hill is as the hill of Bashan, and the chariots of 

1 verse 22, ' I will bring them again from the depths of the sea.' 

2 Isaiah lx and Ezek. xxvi. 18. 

ia 






116 JULY 4, 1653 

God are twenty thousand of Angels, and God ivill dwell 
upon this hill for ever. 

Truly I am sorry that I have troubled you, in such 
a place of heat as this is, so long. All that I have to 
say in mine own name and in the names of my fellow- 
Officers, who have joined with me in this work, [is], 
that we shall commend you to the grace of God 
and to the guidance of his Spirit. Having thus far 
served you, — or rather our Lord Jesus Christ in it, — 
we are as we hope, and shall be, ready in our stations 
according as the providence of God shall lead us to 
be subservient to the work of God and the authority 
which we reckon God hath set over us. And although 
we have no formal thing to present you with, to which 
the hands and the outward visible expressions of the 
hearts of the Officers of the three nations are set, yet we 
may say for them, and we may say also with confidence 
for our brethren at sea, — with whom neither in Scot- 
land, nor Ireland, nor at sea, hath any artifice been used 
to persuade their approbations to this work, — yet we 
can say, that their consent and affections have flowed 
into us from all parts beyond our expectations. And 
we are confident, we may say with all confidence, 
that we have had their approbations and full consent, 
unsought indeed to the other work, so that you have 
their hearts and affections in this. And not only 
they, but we have very many papers from the 
Churches of God throughout the nation, wonderfully 
both approving what hath been done in removing 
obstacles and approving what we have done in this 



JULY 4, 1653 117 

very thing. And having said this I shall trouble you 
no more, but if you will be pleased that this Instru- 
ment may be read, which I have signed by the advice 
of the Council of Officers, we shall then leave you to 
your own thoughts and to the guidance of God, to 
order and dispose of yourselves for further meetings 
as you shall see cause. 

[Here the Instrument was read Vj 

I have only this to say further, that the affairs of 
this nation laying on our hands to be taken care of, 
and knowing that both the affairs at sea, the armies 
in Ireland and Scotland, and the providing of things 
for the preventing of inconveniences and the answer- 
ing of all emergencies, did require that there should 
be no interruption, but that care ought to be taken 
for these things ; and foreseeing likewise, that before 
you could digest yourselves into such a method as 
you may think best, both for place, time, and other 
circumstances, in the way you shall purpose to pro- 
ceed in, would ask some time, which the Common- 
wealth would not bear in respect of the managing of 
things, I have within a week set up a Council of 
State, to whom the managing of affairs is committed, 
who, I may say, very voluntarily and freely, before they 
see how the issue of things would be, engaged them- 
selves in [this] business, eight or nine of them being 
Members of the House that late was. I say I did 
exercise that power, that I thought was devolved 

1 See Notes. 



118 SEPT. 13, 1653 

upon me at that time, to the end affairs might not 
have any interval ; and now when you are met, it 
will ask some time for the settling of your affairs 
and your way, and a day cannot be lost, but they 
must be in a continual Council till such time as you 
shall take further order, so that the whole matter of 
their considerations are also at your disposal, as you 
shall see cause. And therefore I thought it my duty 
to acquaint you with this much, that you may not be 
distracted in your way, that things have been thus 
ordered, that your affairs will go on till you see cause 
to alter this Council, they having no authority nor 
longer to sit than until you shall take further order.' 

[Then was read the power of the Council of State, and 
his Excellency left the room. And the new Representa- 
tive did only adjourn, and appoint the next day to begin 
with prayer and to spend the whole day amongst them- 
selves l .] 

18. 

The Lord General's discourse with Lord Whitelocke, 
urging him to accept the Swedish Embassy, Sept. 13, 
1653. 

WhitelocJee. I was to attend your Excellency, but 
missed of you. 

Cromwell. I knew not of it ; you are always wel- 
come to me. I hope you have considered the proposal 
I made to you, and are willing to serve the Common- 
wealth. 

FA. I have fully considered it ; and with humble 

1 MS. Tanner 52, fol. 20. 



SEPT. 13, 1653 119 

thanks acknowledge the honour intended me, and am 
most willing to serve your Excellency and the Com- 
monwealth ; but in this particular I humbly beg your 
excuse. I have endeavoured to satisfy my own judge- 
ment and my nearest relations, but can do neither, 
nor gain a consent ; and I should be very unworthy 
and ungrateful to go against it. 

Crom. You know that no relations use to sway the 
balance in such matters as this. I know your lady 
very well, and that she is a good woman, and a 
religious woman : indeed I think she is : and I durst 
undertake, in a matter of this nature, wherein the 
interest of God and of his people is concerned, as they 
are in your undertaking of this business, I dare say 
my Lady will not oppose it. 

Wh. Truly, Sir, I think there is no woman alive 
desires more the promoting of that interest ; but she 
hopes it may be done as much, if not more, by some 
other person. 

Crom. Really I know not in England so fit a person 
as you are for it. 

Wh. Your Excellency cannot but know my want 
of breeding and experience in matters of this nature 
and of language. 

Crom. I know your education, travel and language, 
and experience have fitted you for it ; you know the 
affairs of Christendom as well as most men, and of 
England as well as any man, and can give as good 
an account of them. I think no man can serve his 
country more than you may herein ; indeed I think 



120 SEPT. 13, 1653 

so, and therefore I make it my particular suit and 
earnest request to you to undertake it : and I hope 
you will shew a little regard to me in it, and I assure 
you that you shall have no cause to repent it. 

Wh. My Lord, I am very ready to testify my duty 
to your Excellency. I acknowledge your many 
favours to me and myself an officer under your com- 
mand, and to owe you obedience. But your Excel- 
lency will not expect it from me in that wherein 
I am not capable to serve you ; and therefore I make 
it my most humble suit, to be excused from this 
service. 

Crom. For your abilities I am satisfied ; I know 
no man so fit for it as yourself; and if you should 
decline it, as I hope you will not, the Commonwealth 
would suffer extremely by it, your own profession 
might suffer likewise, and the Protestant interest 
would suffer by it. Indeed you cannot be excused ; 
the hearts of all the good people in this nation are 
set upon it, to have you undertake this service ; and 
if you should waive it, being thus, and at such a time 
when your going may be the most likely means to 
settle our business with the Dutch and Danes, and 
matter of trade, — and none, I say again, can do it 
better than you, — the Commonwealth would be at an 
extreme prejudice by your refusal. But I hope you 
will hearken to my request, and let me prevail with 
you to undertake it : neither you nor yours, I hope, 
shall ever have any cause to wish you had not done it. 

Wh. My Lord, when a man is out of sight, he is 



SEPT. 13, 1653 121 

out of mind. Though your Excellency be just and 
honourable, yet, your greater affairs calling you off, 
those to whom matters of correspondence and supplies 
must be referred will perhaps forget one who is afar 
off, and not be so sensible of extremities in a foreign 
country as those who suffer under them. 

Crom. I will engage to take particular care of 
those matters myself, and that you shall neither want 
supplies nor anything that is fit for you : you shall 
be set out with as much honour as ever any ambas- 
sador was from England. I shall hold myself parti- 
cularly obliged to you if you will undertake it ; and 
will stick as close to you as your skin is to your 
flesh. You shall want nothing either for your honour 
and equipage, or for power and trust to be reposed 
in you, or for correspondence and supplies when you 
are abroad ; I promise you, my Lord, you shall not ; 
I will make it my business to see it done. The 
Parliament and Council, as well as myself will take 
it very well and thankfully from you, to accept of 
this employment ; and all people, especially the good 
people of the nation, will be much satisfied with it : 
and therefore, my Lord, I make it again my earnest 
request to you, to accept this honourable employ- 
ment. 

[Whitelocke then accepts ■ this difficult and hazardous 
employment.'] 

Crom. My Lord, I do most heartily thank you for 
accepting the employment, whereby you have testified 
a very great respect and favour to me, and affection 



122 

to the Commonwealth, which will be very well taken 
by them ; and I assure you, that it is so grateful to 
me, who upon my particular request have prevailed 
with you, that I shall never forget this favour, but 
endeavour to requite it to you and yours ; really, 
my Lord, I shall : and I will acquaint the Council 
with it, that we may desire further conference with 
you. 

19. 

Speech to the Council of State, Dec. 21, 1653. 

[Substance only.] 
'Dec. 21, 1653. His Highness, the Lord Protector, 
and the Council being thirteen in number, sat in the 
Council Chamber at Whitehall, where his Highness 
in a sweet Speech to them, pressed the Council to 
act for God, and the peace and good of the Nations ; 
and particularly recommended to them, to consider 
and relieve the distresses of the poor and oppressed : 
and several things were transacted in order to a quiet 
and peaceable settlement of the three nations.' 

20. 

His Highness' Speech to the Ministers of the French 
Church in London, January 5, 165f . 

[Substance only.] 
' That he saw we were pleased to take notice of 
what he had formerly said to us, wherein he had 
declared his heart to us, and had said it indeed, 



FEB. 15, 1654 123 

and did say it still, that we should go on in one 
way ; and that it should be his joy to see we would 
do as we had said we should, to live in the love 
which is in Christ Jesus, and to honour our profes- 
sion with a holy life, though for his part he knew 
no other ways but we did so. For whatsoever our 
professions were, that is it that would do it, namely 
the power of godliness. He did exhort us then to 
go on in doing so, and promised us his protection, 
and that he would be ready to serve us. That he 
did hope God would grant him the grace to keep 
his Ark in these nations ; and desired our prayers 
for him that he might improve that authority, which 
the Lord hath given him, for the good of God's 
people.' 



21. 



Speech to Beverning, the Dutch Commissioner, at an 
Audience, Feb. 15, 165f . 

[Substance only.] 

1 Expressing great affection and esteem for the 
States General, and that he doubted not of good 
success in the Treaty, but that he was extremely 
troubled to hear of all those considerations wherewith 
the States had clogged their instructions, which if 
they should come to be urged at a conference would 
assuredly turn all that hath been adjusted topsie- 
turvie by new disputes touching the sea and fishing.' 



124 APRIL 18, 1654 



22. 

His Highness' Speech to the Mayor of Guildford, and 
others, concerning their Declaration and Petition, at 
Whitehall, Tuesday, April 18, 1654. 

' Gentlemen, 

I have read your paper, wherein what you 
there express touching my taking of the government 
upon me, you say what is truth ; I did not desire it, 
nor have I, I am sure, told you so. I believe God 
put it into your hearts ; I shall desire your prayers 
that I may do as you have expressed, for God is my 
bottom and in him only do I trust. As for your 
desire of a Minister, I think I have not granted the 
living away, and upon your making choice of such 
an one as your paper mentions, I shall take order 
that you shall have your suit.' 



23. 

His Highness' Speech, in Council at "Whitehall, to Lord 
Whitelocke, on his return from the Swedish Embassy, 
July 6, 1654. 

' My Lord, 

The Council and myself have heard the report 
of your journey and negotiation with much content- 
ment and satisfaction, and both we and you have 
cause to bless God for your return home with safety, 
honour, and good success in the great trust committed 



JULY 6, 1654 125 

to you ; wherein this testimony is due to you, that 
you have discharged your trust with faithfulness, 
diligence, and prudence, as appears by the account you 
have given us, and the issue of the business. Truly, 
when persons to whom God hath given so good 
abilities, as he hath done to you, shall put them forth 
as you have done, for his glory and for the good of 
his people, they may expect a blessing from him, as 
you have received in an ample measure. 

An acknowledgement is also due to them from their 
country, who have served their country faithfully and 
successfully, as you have done. I can assure your 
Lordship it is in my heart, really it is, and I think 
in the hearts of all here, that your services in this 
employment may turn to an account of advantage to 
you and yours ; and it is just and honourable that it 
should be so. 

The Lord hath shewed extraordinary mercy to you 
and to your company, in the great deliverances which 
he hath vouchsafed to you ; and especially in that 
eminent one which you have related to us, when you 
were come near your own country, and the enjoy- 
ment of the comforts of your safe return. It was 
indeed a great testimony of God's goodness to you all, 
a very signal mercy, and such a one as ought to 
raise up your hearts and our hearts in thankfulness 
to God, who hath bestowed this mercy on you ; and 
it is a mercy also to us as well as to you, though 
yours more personally, who were thus saved and 
delivered by the special hand of Providence. 



126 JULY 6,1654 

The goodness of God to you was also seen in the 
support of you, under those hardships and dangers 
which you have undergone in this service ; let it be 
your comfort that your service was for God, and for 
his people, and for your country. And now that you 
have, through his goodness, passed them over, and he 
hath given you a safe return unto your country, the 
remembrance of those things will be pleasant to you, 
and an obligation for an honourable recompense of 
your services performed under all those hardships and 
dangers. 

For the treaty which you have presented to us, 
signed and sealed by the Queen's Commissioners, I 
presume it is according to what you formerly gave 
advice to us from Sweden. We shall take time to 
peruse it, and the Council have appointed a committee 
to look into it, together with your instructions, and 
such other papers and things as you have further to 
offer to them : and I may say it, that this treaty hath 
the appearance of much good, not only to England, 
but to the Protestant interest throughout Christen- 
dom ; and I hope it will be found so, and your service 
thereby have its due esteem and regard, being so 
much for public good, and so discreetly and success- 
fully managed by you. 

My Lord, I shall detain you no longer, but to tell 
you that you are heartily welcome home, that we are 
very sensible of your good service, and shall be ready 
on all occasions to make a real acknowledgement 
thereof to you.' 



SEPT. 4, 1654 127 

24. 

His Highness the Lord Protector's speech to the Parlia- 
ment in the Painted Chamber, on Monday, Sept. 4, 
1654. 

' Gentlemen, 

You are met here on the greatest occasion 
that, I believe, England ever saw, having upon your 
shoulders the interest of three great nations, with the 
territories belonging to them. And truly, I believe 
I may say it without an hyperbole, you have upon 
your shoulders the interest of all the Christian people 
in the world ; and the expectation is that I should let 
you know, as far as I have cognizance of it, the 
occasion of your assembling together at this time. 
It hath been very well hinted to you this day, that 
you come hither to settle the interests before men- 
tioned ; for it will be made of so large extension in 
the issue and consequence of it. 

In the way and manner of my speaking to you 
I shall study plainness, and to speak to you what is 
truth and what is upon my heart, and what will in 
some measure reach to these concernments. 

After so many changes and turnings which this 
nation hath laboured under, to have such a day of 
hope as this is, and such a door of hope opened by 
God to us, truly I believe, some months since would 
have been' above all our thoughts. 

1 confess it would have been worthy of such a 
meeting as this, to have remembered that which was 



128 SEPT. 4, 1654 

the rise, and gave the first beginning to all those 
turnings and tossings that have been upon these 
nations ; and to have given you a series of trans- 
actions, — not of men, but of the providence of God, — 
all along unto our late changes, as also the ground of 
our first undertaking to oppose that usurpation and 
tyranny that was upon us, both in civils and spirituals, 
and the several grounds particularly applicable to the 
several changes that have been. 

But I have two or three reasons, which divert me 
from such a way of proceeding at this time. If 
I should have gone in that way, that which is upon 
my heart to have said, — which is written there, that if 
I would blot it out I could not, — would have spent 
this day ; the providences and dispensations of God 
have been so stupendous. As David said in the like 
case, Many, Lord my God, are thy wonderful works 
which thou hast done; and thy thoughts which are to 
usward } they cannot be reckoned up in order unto 
thee ; if I would declare and speak of them they are 
more than can be numbered 1 . 

Truly another reason, new to me, you had to-day 
in the sermon. Much recapitulation of providence, 
much allusion to a State, and dispensation in respect of 
discipline and correction, of mercies and deliverances, 
— the only parallel of God's dealing with us that 
I know in the world, which was largely and wisely 
held forth to you this day, — Israel's bringing out 
of Egypt through a wilderness, by many signs and 

1 Psalm xl. 5. 



SEPT. 4, 1654 129 

wonders towards a place of rest : I say, towards it. 
And that having been so well remonstrated to you 
this day, is another argument why I shall not trouble 
you with recapitulation of those things, though they 
are things that I hope will never be forgotten, because 
written in better books than those of paper ; I am 
persuaded written in the heart of every good man. 

The third reason was this, that which I j udge to be 
the great end of your meeting, the great end, — which 
was likewise remembered to you this day, — to wit, 
healing and settling. And the remembering trans- 
actions too particularly, perhaps instead of healing, 
at least in the hearts of many of you, may set the 
wound fresh a bleeding. I must profess this to you, 
whatever thoughts pass upon me, that if this day, 
that is this meeting, prove not healing, what shall we 
do ? But as I said before, seeing I trust it is in the 
minds of you all, and much more in the mind of God, 
which must cause healing, — it must be first in his 
mind, and he being pleased to put it into yours it 
will be a day indeed, and such a day as generations 
to come will bless you for, — I say for this and the 
other reasons, have I forborne to make a particular 
remembrance and enumeration of things, and of the 
manner of the Lord's bringing us through so many 
changes and turnings, as have passed upon us. 

Howbeit, I think it will be more than necessary to 
let you know, at the least so well as I may, in what 
condition this, nay these nations were, when this 
government was undertaken. 

K 



130 SEPT. 4, 1654 

For order sake, it's very natural for us to consider, 
what our condition was in civils, in spirituals. What 
was our condition 1 ? Every man's hand almost was 
against his brother, at least his heart, little regarding 
anything that should cement and might have a ten- 
dency in it to cause us to grow into one. All the 
dispensations of God, his terrible ones, — he having 
met us in the way of his judgement in a ten years' civil 
war, a very sharp one, — his merciful dispensations, 
they did not, they did not work upon us but we had 
our humours and interests ; and indeed I fear our 
humours were more than our interests. And cer- 
tainly as it fell out, in such cases, our passions were 
more than our judgements. 

Was not everything almost grown arbitrary 1 Who 
knew, where or how to have a right, without some 
obstruction or other intervening ? Indeed, we were 
almost grown arbitrary in everything. What was 
the face that was upon our affairs as to the interest 
of the nation 1 to the authority of the nation ? to the 
magistracy ? to the ranks and orders of men, whereby 
England had been known for hundreds of years? 
A nobleman, a gentleman, a yeoman ? That is a good 
interest of the nation and a great one. The magis- 
tracy of the nation, was it not almost trampled under 
foot, under despite and contempt by men of Levelling 
principles ? I beseech you, for the orders of men and 
ranks of men, did not that Levelling principle tend to 
the reducing all to an equality ? Did it think to do 
so, or did it practise towards it for propriety and 



SEPT. 4, 1654 131 

interest ? What was the design, but to make the 
tenant as liberal a fortune as the landlord'? which 
I think if obtained, would not have lasted long. The 
men of that principle, after they had served their 
own turns, would have cried up interest and property 
then fast enough. This instance is instead of many, 
and that it may appear that this thing did extend 
far, is manifest, because it was a pleasing voice to 
all poor men, and truly not unwelcome to all bad men. 
To my thinking, it is a consideration, that in your en- 
deavours after settlement you will be so well minded 
of, that I might have spared this ; but let that pass. 

Indeed in spiritual things, the case was more sad 
and deplorable, and that was told to you this day 
eminently. The prodigious blasphemies, contempt of 
God and Christ, denying of him, contempt of him and 
his ordinances and of the Scriptures. A spirit visibly 
acting those things foretold by Peter and Jude ; yea, 
those things spoken of by Paul to Timothy, who, — 
when he would remember some things to be worse 
than the Antichristian state, of which he had spoken 
in the first to Timothy, — tells them what should be the 
lot and portion of the last times, and says, In the last 
days perilous times should come, for men should be 
lovers of their own selves, covetous, boasters, proud, blas- 
phemers, disobedient to parents, unthankful, fyc. And 
when he remembers that of the Antichristian state, 
he tells them, That in the latter days that state shall 
come in, wherein there shall be a departing from the 
faith, and a giving heed to seducing spirits and doc- 

K 2 



132 SEPT. 4, 1654 

trines of devils, speaking lies in hypocrisy, fyc. ; by 
which description he makes the state of the last 
times worse than that under Antichrist. And surely 
it may well be feared these are our times. For when 
men forget all rules of law and nature, and break 
all the bonds that fallen man hath upon him, the 
remainder of the image of God in his nature, which he 
cannot blot out and yet shall endeavour to blot out, 
having a form of godliness without the power, these 
are sad tokens of the last times. And indeed the 
character wherewith this spirit and principle is de- 
scribed in that place is so legible and visible, that he 
that runs may read it to be amongst us : for by such 
the grace of God is turned into wantonness, and 
Christ and the Spirit of God made the cloak of all 
villany and spurious apprehensions. 

And although these things will not be owned pub- 
licly as to practice, — they being so abominable and 
odious, — yet how this principle extends itself and 
whence it had its rise, makes me to think of a second 
sort of men, who it is true, as I said, will not practise 
nor own these things, yet can tell the magistrate that 
he hath nothing to do with men thus holding, for 
these are matters of conscience and opinion, they are 
matters of religion ; what hath the magistrate to do 
with these things ? He is to look to the outward 
man, but not to meddle with the inward. And truly 
it so happens that though these things do break 
out visibly to all, yet the principle wherewith these 
things are carried on, so forbids the magistrate to 



SEPT. 4, 1654 133 

meddle with them, as it hath hitherto kept the 
offenders from punishment. Such considerations and 
pretensions of liberty, liberty of conscience and liberty 
of subjects, two as glorious things to be contended 
for as any God hath given us, yet both these also 
abused for the patronizing of villanies, insomuch as 
that it hath been an ordinary thing to say and in 
dispute to affirm, that it was not in the magistrate's 
power, he had nothing to do with it, not so much as 
the printing a Bible to the nation for the use of the 
people, lest it be imposed upon the consciences of 
men ; for they must receive the same, traditionally and 
implicitly from the power of the magistrate, if thus 
received. The aforementioned abominations did thus 
swell to this height amongst us. The axe was laid 
to the root of the Ministry, it was Antichristian, it 
was Babylonish. It suffered under such a judgement, 
that the truth of it is, as the extremity was great on 
that, I wish it prove not so on this hand. The ex- 
tremity was, that no man having a good testimony, 
having received gifts from Christ, might preach if not 
ordained. So now, many are on the other hand, that 
he who is ordained, hath a nullity or Antichristian- 
ism stamped upon his calling, so that he ought not 
to preach or not be heard. I wish it may not too 1 
justly be said that there was severity and sharpness, 
yea, too much of an imposing spirit in matter of con- 
science, a spirit unchristian enough in any times, 
most unfit for these, denying liberty to those who 

1 l too to ' in text. 



134 SEPT. 4, 1654 

have earned it with their blood, who have gained 
civil liberty, and religious also, for those who would 
thus impose upon them. 

We may reckon among these our spiritual evils, an 
evil that hath more refinedness in it, and more colour 
for it, and hath deceived more people of integrity than 
the rest have done. For few have been catched with 
the former mistakes, but such as have apostatized 
from their holy profession, such as being corrupt in 
their consciences, have been forsaken by God and 
left to such noisome opinions. But I say, there are 
others more refined, many honest people, whose hearts 
are sincere, and the evil that hath deceived them is 
the mistaken notion of the Fifth Monarchy. A thing 
pretending more spirituality than anything else. A 
notion I hope we all honour, wait, and hope for, that 
Jesus Christ will have a time to set up his reign in 
our hearts, by subduing those corruptions and lusts, 
and evils that are there, which reign now more in the 
world than I hope in due time they shall do. And 
when more fullness of the Spirit is poured forth to 
subdue iniquity and bring in everlasting righteousness, 
then will the approach of that glory be. The carnal 
divisions and contentions amongst Christians, so com- 
mon, are not the symptoms of that kingdom. But for 
men to entitle themselves on this principle, that they 
are the only men to rule kingdoms, govern nations, 
and give laws to people ; to determine of property 
and liberty, and everything else upon such a pretence 
as this is, truly, they had need give clear manifesta- 



SEPT. 4, 1654 135 

tions of God's presence with them, before wise men 
will receive or submit to their conclusions. Besides, 
certainly though many of these men have good mean- 
ings, as I hope in my soul they have, yet it will be the 
wisdom of all knowing and experienced Christians to 
do as Jude saith, when he had reckoned up those hor- 
rible things done upon pretences, and happily by some 
upon mistakes. Of some, says he, have compassion, 
making a difference; others save with fear, pulling 
them out of the fire. I fear they will give opportunity 
too often for this exercise, and I hope the same will 
be for their good. 

If men do but pretend for justice and righteousness, 
and be of peaceable spirits and will manifest this, let 
them be the subjects of the magistrate's encourage- 
ment. And if the magistrate by punishing visible 
miscarriages save them by that discipline, — God having 
ordained him for that end, — I hope it will evidence 
love, and no hatred, to punish where there is cause. 
Indeed, this is that which doth most declare the 
danger of that spirit ; for if these were but notions, — 
I mean the instances that I have given you both of 
civil considerations and spiritual, — if I say they were 
but notions, they were to be let alone. Notions will 
hurt none but them that have them. But when they 
come to such practices, — as to tell us, that liberty and 
property are not the badges of the kingdom of Christ, 
and tell us that instead of regulating laws, laws are 
to be abrogated, indeed subverted, and perhaps would 
bring in the Judaical law instead of our known laws 



136 SEPT. 4, 1654 

settled amongst us, — this is worthy every magistrate's 
consideration, especially where every stone is turned 
to bring confusion. I think, I say, this will be worthy 
of the magistrate's consideration. 

Whilst these things were in the midst of us, and 
the nation rent and torn in spirit and principle from 
one end to another after this sort of manner I have 
now told you, — family against family, husband against 
wife, parents against children, and nothing in the 
hearts of men but overturning, overturning, overturn- 
ing, a Scripture very much abused and applied to 
justify unpeaceable practices by all men of discon- 
tented spirits, — the common adversary in the mean- 
time he sleeps not, and our adversaries in civil and 
spiritual respects did take advantage at these divi- 
sions and distractions, and did practise accordingly 
in the three nations of England, Scotland, and 
Ireland. 

We know very well that emissaries of the Jesuits 
never came in those swarms, as they have done since 
these things were set on foot. And I tell you that 
divers gentlemen here can bear witness with me how 
they have had a Consistory abroad, that rules all the 
affairs of things in England, from an archbishop with 
other dependants upon him. And they had fixed in 
England, — of which we are able to produce the par- 
ticular Instruments, — in most of the limits of the 
cathedrals, an episcopal power, with archdeacons, &c, 
and had persons authorized to exercise and distribute 
those things, who pervert and deceive the people. And 



SEPT. 4, 1654 137 

all this while we were in this sad and, as I said, 
deplorable condition. 

In the meantime all endeavours possible were used 
to hinder the work in Ireland, and the progress of 
the work of God in Scotland, by continual intelli- 
gences and correspondences both at home and abroad. 
From hence into Ireland, and from hence into Scotland, 
persons were stirred up and encouraged by these divi- 
sions and discomposure of affairs, to do all they could 
to encourage and foment the war in both these places. 

To add yet to our misery, whilst we were in this 
condition, we were in war, deeply engaged in a war 
with the Portugal, whereby our trade ceased ; and the 
evil consequences by that war were manifest and very 
considerable. 

And not only this, but we had a war with Holland, 
consuming our treasure, occasioning a vast burden 
upon the people. A war that cost this nation full as 
much as the taxes came unto. The navy being one 
hundred and sixty ships, which cost this nation above 
one hundred thousand pounds a month, besides the 
contingencies which would make it six score thousand 
pounds a month. That very one war did engage us to 
so great a charge. 

At the same time also we were in a war with 
France. The advantages that were taken at the 
discontents and divisions among ourselves, did also 
foment that war, and at least hinder us of an honour- 
able peace, every man being confident that we could 
not hold out long. And surely they did not calculate 



138 SEPT. 4, 1654 

amiss, if the Lord had not been exceeding gracious 
to us. 

I say at the same time we had a war with France. 
And besides the sufferings in respect of the trade of the 
nation, it's most evident, that the purse of the nation 
had not been possibly able longer to bear it, by reason 
of the advantages taken by other States to improve 
their own and spoil our manufacture of cloth and hinder 
the vent thereof, which is the great staple commodity 
of this nation. This was our condition ; spoiled in our 
trade, and we at this vast expense, thus dissettled at 
home, and having these engagements abroad. 

These things being thus, — as I am persuaded it is 
not hard to convince every person here, they were thus, 
— what a heap of confusions were upon these poor 
nations! And either things must have been left to 
have sunk into the miseries these premises would 
suppose or a remedy must be applied. A remedy hath 
been applied ; that hath been this government ; a 
thing I shall say very little unto. The thing is open 
and visible, to be seen and read by all men, and there- 
fore let it speak for itself. Only let me say this, — 
because I can speak it with comfort and confidence, 
before a greater than you all, that is, before the Lord, 
— that in the intention of it, (as to the approving our 
hearts to God, let men judge as they please,) it is cal- 
culated for the interest of the people, for the interest 
of the people alone and for their good, without respect 
had to any other interest. And if that be not true, 
I shall be bold to say again, let it speak for itself. 



SEPT. 4, 1654 139 

Truly I may, I hope humbly before God and 
modestly before you, say somewhat on the behalf of 
the government. That is, not to discourse of the par- 
ticular heads of it, [but] to acquaint you a little with 
the effects of it ; and that not for ostentation sake, but 
to the end that I may deal at this time faithfully with 
you by acquainting you with the state of things and 
what proceedings have been upon this government, 
that so you may know the state of our affairs. This 
is the main end of my putting you to this trouble. 

It hath had some things in desire, and it hath done 
some things actually. It hath desired to reform the 
laws, to reform them ; and for that end, it hath called 
together persons, without reflection of as great 
ability and as great integrity as are in these nations, 
to consider how the laws might be made plain and 
short, and less changeable to the people, how to 
lessen the expense for the good of the nation. And 
those things are in preparation and Bills prepared, 
which in due time, I make no question, will be ten- 
dered to you. There bath been care taken to put the 
administration of the laws into the hands of just men, 
men of the most known integrity and ability. The 
Chancery hath been reformed, and I hope to the just 
satisfaction of all good men. And [as] to the things 
depending there, which made the burden and work of 
the honourable persons intrusted in those services 
beyond their ability, it hath referred many of them to 
those places where Euglishmen love to have their 
rights tried, the Courts of Law at Westminster. 



140 SEPT. 4, 1654 

It hath endeavoured to put a stop to that heady- 
way, touched of likewise this day, of every man 
making himself a Minister and a preacher. It hath 
endeavoured to settle a way for the approbation of 
men of piety and ability for the discharge of that 
work. And I think I may say, it hath committed 
that work to the trust of persons, both of the Presby- 
terian and Independent judgements, men of as known 
ability, piety, and integrity, as I believe any this 
nation hath. And I believe also that in the care they 
have taken, they have laboured to approve themselves 
to Christ, the nation, and their own consciences. And 
indeed I think if there be anything of a quarrel 
against them, it is, — though I am not here to justify 
the proceedings of any, — I say, it is that they go 
upon such a character as the Scripture warrants to 
put men into that great employment ; and to approve 
men for it, who are men who have received gifts from 
Him that ascended up on high, and gave gifts for the 
work of the Ministry and for the edifying of the 
body of Christ. It hath taken care, we hope, for the 
expulsion of all those who may be judged anyway 
unfit for this work, who are scandalous, and who 
are the common scorn and contempt of that 
administration. 

One thing more this government hath done. It 
hath been instrumental to call a free Parliament, 
which, blessed be God, we see here this day. I say 
a free Parliament ; and that it may continue so, I hope 
is in the heart and spirit of every good man in 



SEPT. 4, 1654 141 

England, save such discontented persons as I have 
formerly mentioned. It is that which, as I have 
desired above my life, I shall desire to keep it so 
above my life. 

I did before mention to you the plunges we were in, 
in respect of foreign states, by the war with Portugal, 
France, with the Dutch, the Dane ; and the little 
assurance we had from any of our neighbours round 
about. I perhaps forgot it, but indeed it was a caution 
upon my mind, and I desire that it may be so under- 
stood, that if any good hath been done, it was the 
Lord, not we his poor instruments. I did instance 
in the wars which did exhaust your treasure and put 
you into such a condition, that you must have sunk 
therein, if it had continued but a few months longer. 
This I dare affirm, if strong probability can give me 
a ground. 

You have now, though it be not the first in time, 
peace with Sweathland, an honourable peace, through 
the endeavours of an honourable person here present 
as the instrument. I say you have an honourable 
peace with a kingdom that not many years since was 
much a friend to France, and lately perhaps inclinable 
enough to the Spaniard. And I believe you expect 
not very much good from any of your Catholic 
neighbours, nor that they would be very willing you 
should have a good understanding with your Protes- 
tant friends. Yet thanks be to God that peace is 
concluded, and as I said before it is an honourable 
peace. 



142 SEPT. 4, 1654 

You have a peace with the Dane, a State that lay 
contiguous to that part of this Island which hath 
given us the most trouble. And certainly if your 
enemies abroad be able to annoy you, it is likely 
they will take their advantage where it best lies, to 
give you trouble there. But you have a peace there, 
and an honourable one ; satisfaction for your merchant 
ships, not only to their content, but to their rejoicing. 
I believe you will easily know it is so. You have 
the Sound open, which used to be obstructed. That 
which was and is the strength of this nation, the 
shipping, will now be supplied thence. And whereas 
you were glad to have anything of that kind at the 
second hand, &c, you have all manner of commerce, 
and at as much freedom as the Dutch themselves, 
there, and at the same rates and toll. And I think 
I may say, by that peace they cannot raise the same 
upon you. 

You have a peace with the Dutch ; a peace unto 
which I shall say little, because so well known in the 
benefit and consequences of it. And I think it was as 
desirable and as acceptable to the spirit of this nation, 
as any one thing that lay before us. And as I believe 
nothing so much gratified our enemies as to see us at 
odds, so I persuade myself nothing is of more terror 
nor trouble to them, than to see us thus reconciled. 
As a peace with the Protestant States hath much 
security in it, so it hath as much of honour and of 
assurance to the Protestant interest abroad, without 
which no assistance can be given thereunto. I wish 



SEPT. 4, 1654 143 

it may be written upon our hearts to be zealous for 
that interest, for if ever it were like to come under 
a condition of suffering, it is now. In all the Em- 
peror's patrimonial territories, the endeavour is to 
drive them out as fast as they can; and they are 
necessitated to run to Protestant States to seek their 
bread. And by this conjunction of interests I hope 
you will be in a more fit capacity to help them. And 
it begets some reviving of their spirits that you will 
help them as opportunity shall serve. 

You have a peace likewise with the Crown of Por- 
tugal, which peace though it hung long in hand, yet 
is lately concluded. It is a peace that your merchants 
make us believe is of good concernment to their trade, 
their assurance being greater, and so their profit in 
trade thither, than to other places. And this hath 
been obtained in that treaty, which never was since 
the Inquisition was set up there, that our people which 
trade thither have liberty of conscience. Indeed peace 
is, as you were well told to-day, desirable with all 
men, as far as it may be had with conscience and 
honour. We are upon a treaty with France. And 
we may say this, that if God give us honour in the 
eyes of the nations about us, we have reason to bless 
him for it, and so to own it. And I dare say, that 
there is not a nation in Europe, but they are very 
willing to ask a good understanding with you. 

I am sorry I am thus tedious, but I did judge that 
it was somewhat necessary to acquaint you with these 
things. And things being thus, I hope you will be 



144 SEPT. 4, 1654 

willing to hear a little again of the sharp, as well 
as the sweet. And I should not be faithful to you, 
nor to the interest of these nations which you and 
I serve, if I should not let you know all. As I said 
before, when this government was undertaken, we 
were in the midst of these divisions, and animosities, 
and scatterings ; also thus engaged with these enemies 
round about us, at such a vast charge, six score 
thousand pounds a month for the very fleet, which 
was the very utmost penny of your assessments. Aye, 
and then all your treasure was exhausted and spent, 
when this government was undertaken ; all accidental 
ways of bringing in treasure, to a very inconsiderable 
sum consumed. That is to say, the lands are sold, 
the treasures spent, rents, fee-farms, king's, queen's, 
princes', bishops', dean and chapters', delinquents' 
lands sold. These were spent when this government 
was undertaken. I think it is my duty to let you 
know so much. And that's the reason why the taxes 
do lie so heavy upon the people, of which we have 
abated thirty thousand pounds a month for the next 
three months. 

Truly, I thought it my duty to let you know, that 
though God hath thus dealt with you, yet these are 
but entrances and doors of hope, wherein through the 
blessing of God you may enter into rest and peace. 
But you are not yet entered. You were told to-day 
of a people brought out of Egypt towards the land of 
Canaan, but, through unbelief, murmuring, repining, 
and other temptations and sins, wherewith God was 



SEPT. 4, 1654 145 

provoked, they were fain to come back again, and 
linger many years in the wilderness, before they came 
to the place of rest. 

We are thus far through the mercy of God. We 
have cause to take notice of it, that we are not brought 
into misery ; but, as I said before, a door of hope is 
open. And I may say this to you ; if the Lord's 
blessing and his presence go along with the manage- 
ment of affairs at this meeting,. you will be enabled to 
put the top-stone to this work, and make the nation 
happy. But this must be by knowing the true state 
of affairs, that you are not yet like the People under 
Circumcision, but raw ; your peaces are but newly 
made. And it is a maxim not to be despised, though 
peace be made, yet it is interest that keeps peace, and 
I hope you will trust it no further than you see 
interest upon it. 

And therefore I wish that you may go forward, 
and not backward, and that you may have the bless- 
ings of God upon your endeavours. It's one of the 
great ends of calling this Parliament, that this ship of 
the Commonwealth may be brought into a safe har- 
bour, which I assure you it will not well be without 
your counsel and advice. You have great works upon 
your hands. You have Ireland to look unto ; there 
is not much done towards the planting of it, though 
some things leading and preparing for it are. It is 
a great business to settle the government of that 
nation upon fit terms, such as will bear that work 
through. You have had likewise laid before you the 



146 SEPT. 4, 1654 

considerations intimating your peace with some foreign 
States, but yet you have not made peace with all. 
And if they should see we do not manage our affairs 
as with that wisdom which becomes us, truly we may 
sink under disadvantages, for all that's done. And 
our enemies will have their eyes open and be revived, 
if they see animosities amongst us ; which indeed will 
be their great advantage. 

I do therefore persuade you to a sweet, gracious, 
and holy understanding of one another, and of your 
business, concerning which you had so good counsel 
this day, that indeed as it rejoiced my heart to hear 
it, so I hope the Lord will imprint it upon your spirits ; 
wherein you shall have my prayers. 

Having said this, and perhaps omitted many other 
material things through the frailty of my memory, 
I shall exercise plainness and freeness with you, in 
telling you that I have not spoken these things as one 
that assumes to himself dominion over you, but as one 
that doth resolve to be a fellow servant with you, to 
the interest of these great affairs and of the people of 
these nations. I shall therefore trouble you no longer, 
but desire you to repair to your House, and to 
exercise your own liberty in the choice of a Speaker, 
that so you may lose no time in carrying on your 
work.' 



SEPT. 12, 1654 147 



25. 

His Highness the Lord Protector's speech to the Parlia- 
ment in the Painted Chamber, Tuesday, Sept. 12, 1654. 

t Gentlemen, 

It is not long since I met you in this place, 
upon an occasion which gave me much more content 
and comfort than this doth. That which I have to 
say to you now will need no preamble to let me into 
my discourse, for the occasion of this meeting is plain 
enough. I could have wished with all my heart there 
had been no cause for it. 

At that meeting I did acquaint you what the first 
rise was of this government which hath called you 
hither, and in the authority of which you came hither. 
Among other things that I told you of then, I said 
you were a free Parliament. And so you are, whilst 
you own the government and authority that called 
you hither. For certainly that word implied a recipro- 
cation, or it implied nothing at all. Indeed there was 
a reciprocation implied and expressed, and I think 
your actions and carriages ought to be suitable. But 
I see it will be necessary for me now a little to 
magnify my office, which I have not been apt to do. 
I have been of this mind, I have been always of this 
mind, since first I entered upon it, that if God will 
not bear it up, let it sink. But if a duty be incum- 
bent upon me to bear my testimony unto it, which 
in modesty I have hitherto forborne, I am in some 

L 2 



148 SEPT. 12, 1654 

measure now necessitated thereunto. And therefore 
that will be the prologue to my discourse. 

I called not myself to this place. I say again, 
I called not myself to this place ; of that, God is 
witness. And I have many witnesses, who I do 
believe could readily lay down their lives to bear 
witness to the truth of that, that is to say, that 
I called not myself to this place. And being in it, 
I bear not witness to myself ; but God and the people 
of these nations have borne testimony to it also. If 
my calling be from God, and my testimony from the 
people, God and the people shall take it from me, else 
I will not part with it. I should be false to the 
trust that God hath placed upon me, and to the 
interest of the people of these nations, if I should. 

That I called not myself to this place, is my first 
assertion. That I bear not witness to myself, but 
have many witnesses, is my second. These are the 
two things I shall take the liberty to speak more 
fully to you of. 

To make plain and clear that which I have said, 
I must take liberty to look back. I was by birth a 
gentleman, living neither in aDy considerable height, 
nor yet in obscurity. I have been called to several 
employments in the nation, — to serve in Parliaments, 
— and (because I would not be over tedious) I did 
endeavour to discharge the duty of an honest man in 
those services, to God, and his people's interest, and 
of the Commonwealth ; having, when time was, a 
competent acceptation in the hearts of men, and some 



SEPT. 12, 1654 149 

evidences thereof. I resolve not to recite the times 
and occasions, and opportunities that have been ap- 
pointed me by God to serve him in, nor the presence 
and blessings of God bearing then testimony to me. 
I, having had some occasions to see, together with my 
brethren and countrymen, a happy period put to our 
sharp wars and contests with the then common enemy, 
hoped, in a private capacity, to have reaped the fruit 
and benefit, together with my brethren, of our hard 
labours and hazards, to wit, the enjoyment of peace 
and liberty, and the privileges of a Christian and of 
a man, in some equality with others, according as it 
should please the Lord to dispense unto me. And 
when, I say, God had put an end to our wars, at least 
brought them to a very hopeful issue, very near an 
end, after Worcester fight I came up to London to 
pay my service and duty to the Parliament that then 
sat. And hoping that all minds would have been 
disposed to answer that which seemed to be the mind 
of God, (viz.) to give peace and rest to his people, and 
especially to those who had bled more than others in 
the carrying on of the military affairs, I was much 
disappointed of my expectation, for the issue did not 
prove so ; whatever may be boasted or misrepresented, 
it was not so, nor so. I can say in the simplicity of 
my soul, I love not, I love not, I declined it in my 
former speech, I say I love not to rake into sores 
or to discover nakednesses. That which I drive at is 
this ; I say to you, I hoped to have had leave to have 
retired to a private life, I begged to be dismissed of my 



150 SEPT. 12, 1654 

charge, I begged it again and again, and God be judge 
between me and all men if I lie in this matter. That 
I lie not in matter of fact is known to very many, 
but whether I tell a lie in my heart, as labouring to 
represent to you that which was not upon my heart, 
I say, the Lord be judge. Let uncharitable men that 
measure others by themselves, judge as they please; 
as to the matter of fact, I say it is true. As to the 
ingenuity and integrity of my heart in that desire, 
I do appeal as before upon the truth of that also. 
But I could not obtain what my soul longed for, and 
the plain truth is I did afterwards apprehend that 
some did think, my judgement not suiting with theirs, 
that it could not well be. But this, I say to you, was 
between God and my soul, between me and that 
assembly. 

I confess I am in some strait to say what I could 
say, and what is true of what then followed. I pressed 
the Parliament, as a member, to period themselves, 
once, and again, and again, and ten and twenty times 
over. I told them, — for I knew it better than any 
one man in the Parliament could know it, because 
of my manner of life, which was to run up and 
down the nation, and so might see and know the 
temper and spirits of all men, the best of men, — that 
the nation loathed their sitting ; I knew it. And, so 
far as I could discern, when they were dissolved, there 
was not so much as the barking of a dog, or any 
general and visible repining at it. You are not a few 
here present that can assert this as well as myself. 



SEPT. 12, 1654 151 

And that there was high cause for their dissolving is 
most evident, not only in regard there was a just 
fear of the Parliament's perpetuating themselves, but 
because it was their design. And had not their heels 
been trod upon by importunities from abroad, even 
to threats, I believe there would never have been 
thoughts of rising or of going out of that room to the 
world's end. I myself was sounded, and by no mean 
persons tempted, and addresses were made to me to 
that very end, that it might have been thus per- 
petuated, that the vacant places might be supplied 
by new elections, and so continue from generation 
to generation. 

I have declined, I have declined very much, to open 
these things to you; yet having proceeded thus far 
I must tell you, that poor men under this arbitrary 
power were driven like flocks of sheep by forty in 
a morning, to the confiscation of goods and estates, 
without any man being able to give a reason that 
two of them had deserved to forfeit a shilling. I tell 
3 T ou the truth, [on] my soul 1 , and many persons whose 
faces I see in this place, were exceedingly grieved at 
these things, and knew not which way to help it, but 
by their mournings and giving their negatives when 
occasions served. I have given you but a taste of 
miscarriages ; I am confident you have had opportuni- 
ties to hear much more of them, for nothing is more 
obvious. 

It's true, this will be said, that there was a remedy 

1 ' and my soul ' in text. 



152 SEPT. 12, 1654 

to put an end to this perpetual Parliament en- 
deavoured, by having a future representative. How 
it was gotten, and by what importunities that was 
obtained, and how unwillingly yielded unto, is well 
known. What was this remedy ? It was a seeming 
willingness to have successive Parliaments. What 
was that succession ? It was, that when one Parlia- 
ment had left their seat, another was to sit down 
immediately in the room thereof, without any caution 
to avoid that which was the danger, (viz.) perpetu- 
ating of the same Parliaments ; which is a sore 
now that will ever be running, so long as men are 
ambitious and troublesome, if a due remedy be not 
found. So then, what was the business ? It was a 
conversion from a Parliament that should have been 
and was perpetual, to a Legislative Power always 
sitting ; and so the liberties, and interests, and lives 
of people not judged by any certain known laws 
and power, but by an arbitrary power, — which is 
incident and necessary to Parliaments, — by an arbi- 
trary power, I say, to make men's estates liable to 
confiscation, and their persons to imprisonments, 
sometimes by laws made after the fact committed, 
often by taking the judgement both in capital and 
criminal things to themselves, who in former times 
were not known to exercise such a judicature. This 
I suppose was the case, and in my opinion the remedy 
was fitted to the disease, especially coming in the 
rear of a Parliament so exercising the power and 
authority as this had done but immediately before. 



SEPT. 12, 1654 153 

Truly I confess upon these grounds, and with the 
satisfaction of divers other persons, seeing nothing 
could be had otherwise, that Parliament was dissolved. 
[And] we, desiring to see if a few might have been 
called together for some short time, who might put the 
nation into some way of certain settlement, did call 
those gentlemen out of the several parts of the nation 
for that purpose. And as I have appealed to God before 
you already, I know and I hope I may say it, — though 
it be a tender thing to make appeals to God, yet in 
such exigencies as these I trust it will not offend his 
Majesty, especially to make them before persons that 
know God, and know what conscience is, and what it 
is to lie before the Lord, — I say, that as a principal 
end in calling that assembly was the settlement of the 
nation, so a chief end to myself was, that I might 
have opportunity to lay down the power that was in 
my hands. I say to you again, in the presence of that 
God who hath blessed and been with me in all my 
adversities and successes, that was as to myself my 
greatest end. A desire perhaps, and I am afraid 
sinful enough, to be quit of the power God had most 
providentially put into my hand, before he called for 
it, and before those honest ends of our fighting were 
attained and settled. 

I say, the authority I had in my hand being so bound- 
less as it was, I being by Act of Parliament General of 
all the forces in the three nations of England, Scotland, 
and Ireland, — in which unlimited condition I did not 
desire to live a day, — did call that meeting for the 



154 SEPT. 12, 1654 

ends before expressed. What the event and issue of 
that meeting was, we may sadly remember : it hath 
much teaching in it, and I hope will make us all wiser 
for the future. But this meeting succeeding, as I have 
formerly said to you, and giving such a disappoint- 
ment to our hopes, I shall not now make any repeti- 
tion thereof. Only the effect was, that they came and 
brought to me a parchment, signed by very much the 
major part of them, expressing their resigning and 
redelivery of the power and authority that was com- 
mitted to them back again into my hands. And I can 
say it in the presence of divers persons here^ that do 
know whether I lie in that, that I did not know one 
tittle of that resignation, until they all came and 
brought it, and delivered it into my hands ; of this 
there are also in this presence many witnesses. 
I received this resignation, having formerly used my 
endeavours and persuasions to keep them together. 
Observing their differences, I thought it my duty to 
give advices to them, that so I might prevail with 
them for union, but it had the effect that I told you, 
and I had my disappointment. When this was so, we 
were exceedingly to seek how to settle things for the 
future. My power again by this resignation was as 
boundless and unlimited as before ; all things being 
subjected to arbitrariness, and a person having power 
over the three nations boundlessly and unlimited, and 
upon the matter, all government dissolved, all civil 
administrations at an end, as will presently be made 
[to] appear. 



SEPT. 12, 1654 155 

The gentlemen that undertook to frame this govern- 
ment did consult divers days together, — they being of 
known integrity and ability, — how to frame some- 
what that might give us settlement, and they did so ; 
and that I was not privy to their counsels, they know 
it. When they had finished their model in some 
measure, or made a very good preparation of it, 
[they] * became communicative. They told me that 
except I would undertake the government, they thought 
things would hardly come to a composure and settle- 
ment, but blood and confusion would break in upon 
us. I denied it again and again, as God and those 
persons know, not complimentingly as they also know 
and as God knows. I confess after many arguments, 
and after the letting of me know that I did not 
receive any thing that put me into any higher capacity 
than I was in before, but that it limited me and bound 
my hands to act nothing to the prejudice of the nations 
without consent of a Council until the Parliament 
[met], and then limited [me] by the Parliament as 
the Act of Government expresseth, I did accept it. 
I might repeat this again to you, if it were needful, 
but I think I need not. I was arbitrary in power, 
having the armies in the three nations under my 
command, and truly not very ill beloved by them, 
nor very ill beloved then by the people, by the good 
people. And I believe I should have been more 
beloved if they had known the truth, as things were 
before God, and in themselves, and before divers of 

1 ' it ' in text. 



156 SEPT. 12, 1654 

these gentlemen whom I but now mentioned unto 
you. I did, at the entreaty of divers persons of 
honour and quality, at the entreaty of very many 
of the chief officers of the army then present, and at 
their request, I did accept of the place and title of 
Protector, and was in the presence of the Commis- 
sioners of the Seal, the Judges, the Lord Mayor and 
Aldermen of the City of London, the soldiery, divers 
gentlemen, citizens, and divers other people and per- 
sons of quality, &c, accompanied to Westminster Hall, 
where I took my oath to this government. This was 
not done in a corner ; it was open and public. This 
government hath been exercised by a Council, with 
a desire to be faithful in all things, and amongst all 
other trusts to be faithful in calling this Parliament. 
And thus I have given you a very bare and lean 
discourse, which truly I have been necessitated unto, 
and contracted in because of the unexpectedness of 
the occasion, and because I would not quite weary 
you nor myself. But this is a narrative that dis- 
covers to you the series of providence and of trans- 
actions leading me into this condition wherein I now 
stand. 

The next thing I promised you, wherein I hope 
I shall not be so long, though I am sure this occasion 
does require plainness and freedom, is that as I brought 
not myself into this condition, as in my own appre- 
hension I did not ; and that I did not, the things 
being true which I have told you, I submit it to your 
judgements and there shall I leave it, let God do what 



SEPT. 12, 1654 157 

he pleaseth. The other thing, I say, that I am to speak 
to you of, is that I have not, nor do not bear witness 
to myself. I am far from alluding to Him that said 
so ; yet truth concerning a member of his, he will 
own though men do not. But I think, if I mistake 
not, I have a cloud of witnesses. I think so, let men 
be as froward as they will. I have witness within, 
without, and above. But I shall speak of them that 
are without, having fully spoken before of the witness 
above and the witness in my own conscience upon the 
other account, because that subject had more obscurity 
in it, and I in some sort needed appeals and I trust 
might lawfully make them, as well as take an oath 
where things were not so apt to be made evident. 
I shall enumerate my witnesses as well as I can. 
When I had consented to accept of the government 
there was some solemnity to be performed, and that 
was accompanied with some persons of considerable- 
ness in all respects, who were the persons before 
expressed, who accompanied me, at the time of my 
entering upon this government, to Westminster Hall 
to take my oath. There was an explicit consent of 
interested persons ; and an implicit consent of many, 
showing their good liking and approbation thereof. 
And, gentlemen, I do not think that you are altogether 
strangers to it in your country ; some did not nauseate 
it, very many did approve it. I had the approbation 
of the officers of the army in the three nations of 
England, Scotland, and Ireland ; I say, of the officers. 
I had that by their Eemonstrances, and under signature. 



158 SEPT. 12, 1654 

There went along 2 with that explicit consent, an im- 
plicit consent of persons that had somewhat to do 
in the world, that had been instrumental by God to 
fight down the enemies of God and his people in the 
three nations. And truly, until my hands were bound, 
and I limited, — wherein I took full contentment, as 
many can bear me witness, — when I had in my hands 
so great a power and arbitrariness, the soldiery were 
a very considerable part of the nations, especially all 
government being dissolved. I say, when all govern- 
ment was thus dissolved, and nothing to keep things 
in order but the sword, and yet they, — which many 
histories will not parallel, — even they were desirous 
that things might come to a consistency, and arbitrari- 
ness might be taken away, and the government put 
into a person, limited and bounded as in the Act of 
Settlement, whom they distrusted the least, and loved 
not the worst. This was another evidence. I would 
not forget the honourable and civil entertainment, 
with the approbation I found in the great City of 
London, which the City knows whether I directly or 
indirectly sought. And truly I do not think it is folly 
to remember this, for it was very great and high, and 
very public, and as numerous a body of those that are 
known by names and titles, — the several corporations 
and societies of citizens in this city, — as hath been 
at any time seen in England, and not without some 
appearance of satisfaction also. I had not only this 
witness, but I have had from the greatest county in 

1 ' There was went along ' in text 



SEPT. 12, 1654 159 

England, and from many cities, and boroughs, and 
many counties, explicit approbations ; not of those 
gathered here and there, but from the county of York, 
and City of York, and other counties and places, 
assembled in their public and general assizes ; the 
Grand Jury in the name of the noblemen, gentlemen, 
yeomen, and inhabitants of that county, giving very 
great thanks to me for undertaking this heavy burden 
at such a time, and giving very great approbation 
and encouragement to me to go through with it. 
These are plain. I have them to shew, and by these 
in some measure it will appear, I do not bear witness 
to myself. This is not all. The Judges, — and truly 
I had almost forgotten it, — they thinking that there 
was a dissolution of government, met and consulted, 
and did declare one to another that they could not 
administer justice to the satisfaction of their con- 
sciences, until they had received commissions from 
me ; and they did receive commissions from me, and 
by virtue of those commissions they have acted. And 
all the Justices of the Peace that have acted, have 
acted by virtue of like commissions, which was a little 
more than an implicit approbation. And I believe all 
the justice administered in the nation hath been by 
this authority, which also I lay before you, desiring 
you to think whether all these persons before men- 
tioned must not come before you for an Act of oblivion 
and general pardon, who have acted under and testified 
to this government, if it be disowned by you. 

I have two or three witnesses more, equivalent to 



160 SEPT. 12, 1654 

all these I have reckoned, if I be not mistaken, and 
greatly mistaken. If I should say, all you that are 
here are my witnesses, I should say no untruth. 
I know you are the same persons here that you were 
in country, but I will reserve to speak to this at the 
last, for this will be the issue of my speech. 

I say, I have two or three witnesses that are more 
than all I have accounted and reckoned before. All 
the people in England are my witnesses, and many in 
Ireland and Scotland. All the sheriffs in England 
are my witnesses ; and all that came in upon the pro- 
cess issued out by the sheriffs are my witnesses. 
Yea, the returns of the elections to the Clerk of the 
Crown, not a thing to be blown away with a breath ; 
the returns on the behalf of the inhabitants in the 
counties, cities, and boroughs, all are my witnesses, of 
approbation to the condition and place I stand in. 
And I shall now make you my last witnesses, and 
ask you whether you came not hither by my writs, 
directed to the several sheriffs, and so to other officers 
in cities and liberties ? To which the people gave 
obedience, having also had the Act of Government 
communicated to them, to which end great numbers 
of copies were sent down on purpose to be communi- 
cated to them ; and the government also required to 
be distinctly read unto the people at the place of 
elections to avoid surprises, where also they signed 
the Indenture with proviso, that the persons so chosen 
shall not have power to alter the government as it is 
now settled in one single person and a Parliament. 



SEPT. 12, 1654 161 

And thus I have made good my second assertion, that 
I bear not witness to myself ; but the good people of 
England, and you all, are my witnesses. 

Yea surely, and this being so, though I told you in 
my last speech that you were a free Parliament, yet 
I thought it was understood that I was the Protector, 
and the authority that called you, and that I was in 
possession of the government by a good right from 
God and men. And I believe, if the learnedest men 
in this nation were called to show a [precedent] 1 so 
clear, so many ways approving of a government, they 
would not in all their search find it. 

I did not in my other speech to you take upon me to 
justify the government in every particular ; and I told 
you the reason of it, which was plain. It was public 
and had been long published, and it might be under the 
most serious inspection of all that pleased to peruse it. 
By what I have said, I have approved myself to God 
and my conscience in my actions and in this undertak- 
ing ; and I have given cause of approving myself to 
every one of your consciences in the sight of God. 

If it be so, why should we sport with it, with a 
business so serious? May not this character, this 
stamp, bear equal poise with any hereditary interest, 
which may have, and hath had, in the common law, 
matters of dispute and trial of learning? wherein 
many have exercised more wit, and spilt more blood, 
than I hope ever to live to see or hear of in this 
nation. I say, I do not know why I may not balance 

1 'president' in text, ? providence. 
M 



162 SEPT. 12, 1654 

this providence, — as in the sight of God, — with any 
hereditary interest, as being less subject to those 
cracks and flaws they are commonly incident unto : 
which titles have cost more blood in former times 
in this nation, than we have leisure to speak of now. 

Now if this be thus, — and I am deriving a title 
from God and men upon such accounts as these are, — 
although some men be fro ward, yet that your judge- 
ments 1 , that are persons sent from all parts of the 
nation under the notion of an acceptance of the 
government, for you to disown or not to own it ; for 
you, to act Parliamentary authority, especially in the 
disowning of it, contrary to the very fundamental 
things, yea, against the very root itself of this Estab- 
lishment ; [for you] to sit, and not own the authority 
by which you sit, [it] is that, that I believe astonisheth 
more men than myself, and doth as dangerously dis- 
appoint, and discompose the nation, as anything [that] 
could have been invented by the greatest enemy to 
our peace and welfare, or could well have happened. 

It is true, there are some things in the Establishment 
that are fundamental, and some things are not so, but 
are circumstantial. Of such, no question but I shall 
easily agree to vary, or leave out, as I shall be con- 
vinced by reason. Some things are fundamentals, 
about which I shall deal plainly with you ; they may 
not be parted with, but will, I trust, be delivered over 
to posterity, as being the fruits of our blood and 
[travail] 2 . 

1 ? read, l for you in your judgements.'' a ' travel ' in text. 



SEPT. 12, 1654 163 

The government by a single person and a Parlia- 
ment is a fundamental ; it is the esse, it is con- 
stitutive. And for the person, though I may seem to 
plead for myself, yet I do not, no, nor can any reason- 
able man say it. But if the things throughout this 
speech be true, I plead for this nation, and all honest 
men therein who have borne their testimony as afore- 
said, and not for myself. And if things should do 
otherwise than well, which I would not fear, and the 
common enemy and discontented persons take ad- 
vantage at these distractions, the issue will be put up 
before God. Let him own it or disown it, as he please. 
In every government there must be somewhat funda- 
mental, somewhat like a Magna Charta, that should 
be standing and be unalterable. Where there is 
a stipulation on one part, and that fully accepted, 
as appears by what hath been said, surely a return 
ought to be : else what does that stipulation signify ? 
If I have upon the terms aforesaid undertaken this 
great trust and exercised it, and by it called you, 
surely it ought to be owned. That Parliaments 
should not make themselves perpetual, is a funda- 
mental. Of what assurance is a law to prevent so 
great an evil, if it lie in one or the same legislator to 
unlaw it again ? Is this like to be lasting ? It will 
be like a rope of sand; it will give no security, 
for the same men may unbuild what they have 
built. 

Is not Liberty of Conscience in religion a funda- 
mental 1 So long as there is liberty of conscience for 

M 2 



164 SEPT. 12, 1654 

the supreme magistrate, to exercise his conscience in 
erecting what form of church-government he is satis- 
fied he should set up, why should he not give it to 
others ? Liberty of conscience is a natural right ; and 
he that would have it ought to give it, having liberty 
to settle what he likes for the public. Indeed, that 
hath been one of the vanities of our contests. Every 
sect saith, Oh! Give me liberty. But give him it, 
and to his power he will not yield it to anybody else. 
Where is our ingenuity ? Truly, that's a thing ought 
to be very reciprocal. The magistrate hath his 
supremacy, and he may settle religion according to 
his conscience. And I may say it to you, — I can say 
it, — all the money of this nation would not have 
tempted men to fight, upon such an account as they 
have engaged, if they had not had hopes of liberty, 
better than they had from Episcopacy, or than would 
have been afforded them from a Scottish Presbytery ; 
or an English either, if it had made such steps or 
been as sharp and rigid as it threatened when it was 
first set up. This I say is a fundamental. It ought 
to be so : it is for us, and the generations to come. 
And if there be an absoluteness in the imposer, with- 
out fitting allowances and exceptions from the rule, 
we shall have our people driven into wildernesses, 
as they were when those poor and afflicted people, 
that forsook their estates and inheritances here, where 
they lived plentifully and comfortably, for the enjoy- 
ment of their liberty, and were necessitated to go into 
a vast howling wilderness in New England, where 



SEPT. 12, 1654 165 

they have for liberty sake stript themselves of all 
their comfort and the full enjoyment they had, 
embracing rather loss of friends and want, than to 
be so ensnared and in bondage. 

Another, which I had forgotten, is the Militia; 
that's judged a fundamental, if anything be so. 
That it should be well and equally placed, is very 
necessary. For put the absolute power of the Militia 
into one without a check, what doth it? I pray 
you, what doth your check put upon your perpetual 
Parliaments, if it be wholly stript of this ? 

It is equally placed ; and desires were to have it so, 
(viz.) in one Person, and the Parliament, — sitting, the 
Parliament. What signifies a provision against per- 
petuating of Parliaments, if this be solely in them ? 
Whether, without a check, the Parliament have not 
liberty to alter the frame of government to Aristo- 
cracy, to Democracy, to Anarchy, to anything, if this 
be fully in them, yea, into all confusion, and that 
without remedy ? And if this one thing be placed 
in one ; that one, be it Parliament, be it supreme 
governor, they or he hath power to make what 
they please of all the rest. 

Therefore, if you would have a balance at all, and 
that some fundamentals must stand which may be 
worthy to be delivered over to posterity, truly I think 
it is not unreasonably urged, that the Militia should 
be disposed, as it is laid down in the [Act of] Govern- 
ment, and that it should be so equally placed, that one 
person, neither in Parliament, nor out of Parliament, 



16G SEPT. 12, 1654 

should have the power of ordering it. The Council 
are the trustees of the Commonwealth, in all intervals 
of Parliaments ; who have as absolute a negative 
upon the supreme officer in the said intervals, as the 
Parliament hath whilst it is sitting. It cannot be 
made use of, a man cannot be raised nor a penny 
charged upon the people, nothing can be done with- 
out consent of Parliament ; and in the intervals of 
Parliament, without consent of the Council it is not 
to be exercised. 

Give me leave to say, that there is very little power, 
none but what is co-ordinate, in the supreme officer, 
and yet enough in him that hath the chief government. 
In that particular he is bound in strictness by the 
Parliament, out of Parliament by the Council, that 
do as absolutely bind him, as the Parliament, when 
Parliament is sitting. 

For that of money, I told you some things are 
circumstantials. To have two hundred thousand 
pounds, to defray Civil Officers, to pay the Judges, 
and other Officers, defraying the charges of the 
Council, in sending their Embassies, in keeping 
Intelligence, and doing that that's necessary, and for 
supporting the Governor-in-Chief, — all this, is by the 
Instrument supposed and intended, but it is not of 
the esse so much, and so limited. As [to] so many 
soldiers, thirty thousand, — twenty thousand Foot, and 
ten thousand Horse, — if the spirits of men be com- 
posed, five thousand Horse and ten thousand Foot 
may serve. These things are between the Chief 



SEPT. 12, 1654 167 

Officer and the Parliament, to be moderated as occasion 
shall offer. 

So there are many other circumstantial things, 
which are not like the laws of the Mecles and Persians. 
But the things which shall be necessary to hand over 
to posterity, these should be unalterable, else every 
succeeding Parliament will be disputing to change 
and alter the government, and we shall be as often 
brought into confusion as we have Parliaments, and 
so make our remedy our disease. The Lord's provi- 
dence, (appearing evil 1 , appearing good,) and better 
judgement, will give occasion for the ordering of things 
for the best interest of the people ; and those things 
are the matter of consideration between you and me. 

I have indeed almost tired myself. That, that I have 
further to say is this, I would it had not been needful 
for me to have called you hither to have expostulated 
these things with you, and in such a manner as this 
is. But necessity hath no law. Feigned necessities, 
imaginary necessities, are the greatest cozenage that 
men can put upon the providence of God, and make- 
pretences to break known rules by. But it is 
[deceitful] 2 and as carnal and as stupid, to think that 
[they] 3 are no necessities, that are manifest necessi- 
ties, because necessities may be abused or feigned. 
And truly I should be so, if I should think so ; and 
I hope none of you think so. 

I say, that the wilful thro wings away of this 

1 ' evils ' in text. a ' as legall ' in text. s ' there ' in text. 



168 SEPT. 12, 1654 

government, (such as it is, so owned by God, so 
approved by men, so testified to in the fundamentals 
of it, as is before mentioned,) and that in relation to 
the good of these nations and posterity ; — I can sooner 
be willing to be rolled into my grave, and buried with 
infamy, than I can give my consent unto. 

You have been called hither together to save a 
nation ; — nations. You had the best people indeed in 
the Christian world in your trust, when you came 
hither. You had affairs and these nations delivered 
over to you in peace and quietness. You were, and 
we all were, put into an uninterrupted possession, 
nobody making title to us. Through the blessing of 
God our enemies were hopeless and scattered. We 
had peace at home, peace almost with all neighbours 
round about : [we were] fit to take advantages where 
God did administer them. 

To have our peace and interest, that had those 
hopes the other day, thus shaken and under such 
a confusion, and we rendered hereby almost the 
scorn and contempt of those strangers, that are 
amongst us to negotiate their masters' affairs ; to give 
them opportunity to see our nakedness, as they do, 
a people that have been unhinged this twelve years' 
day, and unhinged still ; — as if scattering, division, 
and confusion should come upon us, as if it were 
desired, which are the greatest plagues God ordin- 
arily lays upon nations for sin. — I would be loth to 
say they are matters of our delight, but if not, why 
not the matter of our care, so wisely as we ought by 



SEPT. 12, 1654 169 

uttermost endeavours to avoid ? Nay, when by such 
actions as these are, these poor nations shall be 
thrown into heaps of confusion, through blood, and 
ruin, and trouble, — upon the saddest account that 
ever was, if breaking should come upon us, — and all 
because we would not settle when we might, when 
God put it into our hands ! Your affairs now almost 
settled everywhere, and to have all recoil upon us, 
and we ourselves shaken in our affections, loosened 
from all known and public interests, as I have men- 
tioned to you ! Who shall answer for these things 
to God ? Who can answer for these things to God, 
or to men ; to the people who sent you hither, who 
looked for refreshment from you, who looked for 
nothing but peace, and quietness, and rest and settle- 
ment 1 

And when we shall come to give an account to 
them, we shall be able to say, Oh ! we have quarrelled 
for, and we contested for the Liberty of England. 
Wherein, forsooth ? For the liberty of the people ? 
I appeal to the Lord, that the desires and endeavours, 
— and the things themselves will speak for them- 
selves, — that the liberty of England, the liberty of the 
people, the avoiding of tyrannous impositions, either 
upon men as men, or Christians as Christians, is made 
so safe by this Act of Settlement, that it will speak 
sufficiently for itself. 

And when it shall appear what hath been said and 
done, and what our transactions have been — for God 
can discover, and no Privilege will hinder the Lord 



170 SEPT. 12, 1654 

from discovering, no Privilege or condition of men 
can hide from the Lord: he can and will make all 
manifest, if he see it for his glory, — and when these 
shall by the providence of God be manifested, and the 
people shall come and say, * Gentlemen, what condi- 
tion are we in? We hoped for light, and behold 
darkness, obscure darkness ! We hoped for rest after 
ten years' Civil wars, we are plunged into deep 
confusion again. Aye ! wo know these consequences 
will come upon us, if God Almighty shall not find out 
some way to prevent them. 

I had this thought within myself, that it had not 
been dishonest, nor dishonourable, nor against true 
liberty, no not of Parliaments, — when a Parliament 
was so chosen in pursuance of, in conformity to, and 
with such an approbation and consent to the govern- 
ment, so that he that runs might read by what 
authority you came hither, — that an owning of your 
call, and of the authority bringing you hither, might 
have been required before your entrance into the 
House. 

But this was declined, and hath not been done, 
because I am persuaded scarce any man could reason- 
ably doubt you came with contrary minds. And 
I have reason to believe, the people that sent you 
least doubted thereof at all. And therefore I must 
deal plainly with you. What I forbare upon a just 
confidence at first, 3 T ou necessitate me unto now, 
that, seeing the authority calling you is so little 
valued and so much slighted, — till some assurance be 



SEPT. 12, 1654 171 

given and made known, that the fundamental interest 
of the government be settled and approved, according 
to the proviso contained in the Return, and such 
a consent testified, as will make it appear that the 
same is accepted, — I have caused a stop to be put to 
your entrance into the Parliament House. 

I am sorry, I am sorry, and I could be sorry to the 
death, that there is cause for this. But there is cause. 
And if things be not satisfied, that are reasonably 
demanded, I for my part shall do that that becomes 
me, seeking my counsel from God. 

There is therefore somewhat to be offered to you, that 
I hope will, (being understood with the qualifications 
that I have told you of, reforming circumstantials and 
agreeing in the substance and fundamentals, which is 
the government settled as it is expressed in the In- 
denture, not to be altered,) [by] the making of your 
minds known in that, by giving your assent and sub- 
scription to it, [be] x that, that will let you in to act 
those things as a Parliament which are for the good of 
the people. And this thing showed to you, and signed 
as aforesaid, doth determine the controversy and may 
give a happy progress and issue to this Parliament. 
The place where you may come thus and sign, as 
many as God shall make free thereunto, is in this 
Lobby without the Parliament door. 

The [Act of] Government doth declare, that you 
have a legislative power without a negative from me. 
As the government doth express, you may make any 

1 l is ' in text. 



172 SEPT. 15, 1654 

laws, and if I give not my consent within twenty- 
days to the passing of your laws, they are ipso facto 
laws, whether I consent or no, if not contrary to the 
government. You have an absolute legislative power 
in all things that can possibly concern the good and 
interest of the public. And I think you may make 
these nations happy by this settlement. And I for my 
part shall be willing to be bound more than I am, in 
anything that I may be convinced of may be for the 
good of the people, in preservation of the cause and 
interest so long contended for/ 

26. 

Speech to the Lord Mayor, Aldermen, and Common 
Council of the City of London, at "Whitehall, Friday, 
Sept. 15, 1654. 

[Substance only.] 

'About Friday, Sept. 15, he sent for the Lord 
Mayor, Aldermen, and Common Council, to White- 
hall, and made a speech to them, chiefly to give an 
account of his late proceedings with the Parliament, 
and to maintain a good understanding with the City. 
He said he had concluded a peace with four great 
nations, by which the doors were set open for a free 
trade throughout the world, and that two nations, 
France and Spain, had begged a peace of him. He 
spoke something concerning religion, which is diversely 
reported. Some say, he spoke favourably of the Pres- 
byterians and Independents, others that he charged 
the Lord Mayor to look well to the Anabaptists, 



JAN. 22, 1655 173 

while he himself would look to the Presbyterians. 
Perhaps he used the former expressions with reference 
to the Presbyterian doctrine, which is in the most 
parts tolerable, and the latter with reference to the 
Presbyterian government which is horrid tyranny. 
He added, that no man should hereafter be permitted 
to preach under pretence of being gifted, before he 
had been tried and was allowed ; and lastly charged 
his hearers to maintain the peace of the City. His 
speech was near two hours long ; he suffered none, 
not even a servant, to be present beside the citizens, 
and was bareheaded all the time ; he was applauded 
with very great hums at the end, and at every 
pause.' 

27. 

His Highness' speech to the Parliament in the Painted 
Chamber, at their dissolution, upon Monday, Jan. 22, 
165f. 

' Gentlemen, 

I perceive you are here as the House of Par- 
liament, by your Speaker whom I see here, and by 
your faces, which are, in a great measure, known 
to me. 

When I first met you in this room, it was, to my 
apprehension, the hopefullest day that ever mine eyes 
saw, as to considerations of this world : for I did look 
at — as wrapt up in you, together with myself — the 
hopes and the happiness of though not of the greatest, 
yet a very great and the best people in the world. 



174 JAN. 22, 1655 

And truly and unfeignedly I thought so ; as a people 
that have the highest and clearest profession among 
them of the greatest glory, to wit religion ; as a 
people that have been, like other nations, sometimes 
up and sometimes down, in our honour in the world, 
but yet never so low, but we might measure with other 
nations ; and [as] a people that have had a stamp 
upon them from God ; God having, as it were, summed 
all our former glory and honour, in the thiDgs that 
are of glory to nations, in an epitome, within these 
ten or twelve years past, so that we know one 
another at home, and are well known abroad. And, 
if I be not very much mistaken, we were arrived, — as 
I, and truly as I believe many others did think, — at 
a very safe port, where we might sit down and con- 
template the dispensations of God, and our mercies, 
and might know our mercies not to have been like to 
those of the ancients, who did make out their peace 
and prosperity, as they thought by their own en- 
deavours, who could not say, as we, that all ours 
were let down to us from God himself, whose appear- 
ances and providences amongst us are not to be 
outmatched by any story. 

Truly this was our condition, and I know nothing 
else we had to do, save as Israel was commanded in 
that most excellent Psalm of David, Psalm lxxviii. 
vv. 4, 5, 6, 7. The things ivhich we have heard 
and known, and our fathers have told us, we will 
not hide them from their children, shewing to the 
generation to come the praise of the Lord, and his 



JAN. 22, 1655 175 

strength, and his wonderful works which he hath 
done; for he established a testimony in Jacob, and 
appointed a laiu in Israel, %vhich he commanded 
our fathers that they should make them known to 
their children, that the generation to come might know 
them, even the children which should be born, ivho 
should arise and declare them to their children, that 
they might set their hope in God, and not forget the 
works of God but keep his commandments. This, 
I thought, had been a song and a work worthy of 
England, whereunto you might have happily invited 
them, had you had hearts unto it. You had this 
opportunity fairly delivered unto you ; and if a his- 
tory shall be written of these times and of trans- 
actions, it will be said, it will not be denied, but that 
these things that I have spoken are true. This talent 
was put into your hands : and I recur to that which 
I said at the first, I came with very great joy and 
contentment, and comfort, the first time I met you 
in this place. But we and these nations are, for the 
present, under some disappointment. If I had pur- 
posed to have played the orator, which I never did 
affect, nor do, nor I hope shall, I doubt not but upon 
easy suppositions, which I am persuaded every one 
among you will grant, [I could shew] we did meet 
upon such hopes as these. 

I met you a second time here, and I confess at that 
meeting I had much abatement of my hopes, though 
not a total frustration. I confess that that which 
clamped my hopes so soon was somewhat that did 



176 JAN. 22, 1655 

look like a parricide. It is obvious enough unto you, 
that the management of affairs did savour of a not- 
owning, too too much savour, I say, of a not-owning 
the authority that called you hither. But God left 
us not without an expedient that gave a second possi- 
bility — shall I say a possibility ? — it seemed to me 
a probability, of recovering out of that dissatisfied 
condition we were all then in, towards some mutuality 
of satisfaction, and therefore by that Recognition 1 , 
suiting with the Indenture that returned you hither. 
To which, afterwards, also was added your own De- 
claration, conformable to, and in acceptance of, that 
expedient, whereby you had, though with a little 
check, another opportunity renewed unto you to have 
made this nation as happy, as it could have been if 
everything had smoothly run on from that first hour 
of your meeting. And indeed, — you will give me 
liberty of my thoughts and hopes, — I did think, as 
I have formerly found in that way that I have been 
engaged as a soldier, that some affronts put upon us, 
some disasters at the first, have made way for great 
and happy successes. And I did not at all despond, 
but the stop put upon you would in like manner 
have made way for a blessing from God, that, — that 
interruption being, as I thought, necessary, to divert 
you from destructive and violent proceedings, to give 
time for better deliberations, — [thereby] 2 leaving the 

1 Assent to the Form of Government, Sept. 12, 1654, by which alone 
entrance could be obtained to the House. 

2 ' whereby ' in text. 



JAN. 22, 1655 177 

government x as you found it, you might have pro- 
ceeded to have made those good and wholesome laws, 
which the people expected from you, and might have 
answered the grievances, and settled those other things 
proper to you as a Parliament, and for which you 
would have had thanks from all that entrusted you. 

What hath happened since that time, I have not 
taken public notice of, as declining to intrench upon 
Parliament privileges. For sure I am, you will all 
bear me witness, that from your entering into the 
House upon the Kecognition to this very day, you 
have had no manner of interruption or hindrance of 
mine in proceeding to that blessed issue [which] the 
heart of a good man could propose to himself, to this 
very day. You see you have me very much locked 
up as to what you have transacted among yourselves 
from that time to this, but something I shall take 
liberty to speak of to you. As I may not take notice 
what you have been doing, so I think I have a very 
great liberty to tell you, that I do not know what you 
have been doing. I do not know whether you have 
been alive or dead. I have not once heard from you 
in all this time, I have not, and that you all know ; 
if that be a fault that I have not, surely it hath not 
been mine. If I have had any melancholy thoughts, 
and have sat down by them, why might it not have 
been very lawful to me, to think that I was a person 
judged unconcerned in all these businesses ? I can 
assure you, I have not reckoned myself, nor did I reckon 

1 See note to Speech 24. 

N 



178 JAN. 22, 1655 

myself, unconcerned in you ; and so long as any just 
patience could support my expectation, I would have 
waited to the uttermost to have received from you 
the issues of your consultations and resolutions. I have 
been careful of your safety, and the safety of those that 
you represented, to whom I reckon myself a servant. 
But what messages have I disturbed you withal 1 
What injury or indignity hath been done or offered, 
either to your persons or to any privileges of Parlia- 
ment, since you sat 1 I looked at myself, as strictly 
obliged by my oath, since your recognizing the govern- 
ment in the authority by which you were called hither, 
and [sought] 1 to give you all possible security, and 
to keep you from any unparliamentary interruption. 
Think you I could not say more upon this subject, 
if I listed to expatiate thereupon ? But because my 
actions plead for me, I shall say no more of this. 

I say, I have been caring for you, your quiet sitting ; 
caring for your privileges, as I said before, that they 
might not be interrupted ; have been seeking of God, 
from the great God, a blessing upon you, and a bless- 
ing upon these nations ; I have been consulting, if 
possibly I might in anything promote, in my place, 
the real good of this Parliament, of the hopefulness of 
which I have said so much unto you. And I did think 
it to be my business rather to see the utmost issue, 
and what God would produce by you, than unseason- 
ably to intermeddle with you. But, as I said before, 
I have been caring for you, and for the peace and quiet 

1 ( sate ' in text. 



JAN. 22, 1655 179 

of the nations, indeed I have, and that I shall a little 
presently manifest unto you. 

And it leadeth me to let you know somewhat, that 
I fear, I fear will be through some interpretation a 
little too justly put upon you, whilst you have been 
employed as you have been, and, — in all that time 
expressed in the [Act of] Government, in that govern- 
ment, I say, in that government, — [have] brought forth 
nothing that you yourselves say can be taken notice 
of, without infringement of your privileges. I will 
tell you somewhat, that if it be not news to you, 
I wish you had taken very serious consideration of ; 
if it be news, I wish I had acquainted you with it 
sooner. And yet if any man will ask me why I did 
it not, the reason is given already, because I did 
make it my business to give you no interruption. 

There be some trees that will not grow under the 
shadow of other trees. There be some that choose, — 
a man may say so by way of allusion, — to thrive 
under the shadow of other trees. I will tell you what 
hath thriven ; I will not say what you have cherished 
under your shadow, that were too hard. Instead of 
the peace and settlement, instead of mercy and truth 
being brought together, righteousness and peace kiss- 
ing each other, by reconciling the honest people of 
these nations, and settling the woful distempers that 
are amongst us, — which had been glorious things, and 
worthy of Christians to have proposed, — weeds and 
nettles, briers and thorns, have thriven under your 
shadow. Dissettlement and division, discontent and 

N 2 



180 JAN. 22, 1655 

dissatisfaction, together with real dangers to the whole, 
has been more multiplied within these five months of 
your sitting, than in some years before. 

Foundations have also been laid for the future 
renewing the troubles of these nations by all the 
enemies of it abroad and at home. Let not these 
words seem too sharp, for they are true, as any mathe- 
matical demonstrations are or can be. I say, the 
enemies of the peace of these nations abroad and at 
home, the discontented humours throughout these 
nations, which I think no man will grudge to call by 
that name or to make to allude to briers and thorns, 
they have nourished themselves under your shadow. 

And that I may be clearly understood, they have 
taken the opportunities from your sitting, from the 
hopes they had, which with easy conjecture they 
might take up and conclude, that there would be no 
settlement ; and therefore they have framed their 
designs, preparing for the execution of them accord- 
ingly. Now whether, — which appertains not to me 
to judge of on their behalf, — they had any occasion 
ministered for this, and from whence they had it, 
I list not to make any scrutiny or search, but I will 
say this, I think they had [it] l not from me, I am 
sure they had not ; from whence they had it is not 
my business now to discourse, but that they had, is 
obvious to every man's sense. What preparations 
they have made to execute [their designs], in such 
a season as they thought fit to take their opportunity 

1 ' them ' in text. 



JAN. 22, 1655 181 

from, that I know, not as men know things by con- 
jecture, but by certain demonstrable knowledge that 
they have been, for some time past, furnishing them- 
selves with arms, nothing doubting but that they 
should have a day for it ; and verily believing, that 
whatsoever their former disappointments were, they 
should have more done for them by and from our own 
divisions, than they were able to do for themselves. 
I do not, and I desire to be understood so, that in all I 
have to say of this subject you will take it, that I have 
no reservation in my mind to mingle things of guess 
and suspicion with things of fact, but the things I am 
telling are of fact, things of evident demonstration. 

These weeds, briers, and thorns, they have been 
preparing, and have brought their designs to some 
maturity by the advantages given to them, as afore- 
said, from your sitting and proceedings. But by the 
waking eye, that watched over that cause that God 
will bless, they have been, and yet are disappointed. 
And having mentioned that cause, I say that slighted 
cause, let me speak a few words in behalf thereof, 
though it may seem too long a digression. Whosoever 
despiseth it, and will say it is " non causa pro causa," 
the all-searching eye, before mentioned, will find out 
that man, and will judge him as one that regardeth 
not the works of God, nor the operations of his hands, 
for which God hath threatened that he will cast men 
down and not build them up. That [man] because 
he can dispute and tell us, he knew not where the 
cause [was] begun nor where it is, but modelleth it 



182 JAN. 22, 1655 

according to his own intellect, and submits not to the 
appearances of God in the world, therefore he lifts up 
his heel against God, and mocketh at all his provi- 
dences, laughing at the observations, made up, not 
without reason and the Scriptures, but by the quicken- 
ing and teaching Spirit which gives life to the other, 
calling such observations, enthusiasms. Such men, 
I say, no wonder if they stumble and fall backward, 
and be broken and snared, and taken by the things of 
which they are so maliciously and wilfully ignorant. 
The Scriptures say, the [Lord] * has a voice, and 
he will make himself known, and he will make 
himself known by the judgements which he exe- 
cuteth 2 . And do we not think he will, and does, 
by the providences of mercy and kindness which he 
hath for his people, and for their just liberties, whom 
he loves as the apple of his eye ? Doth he not by 
them manifest himself? And is he not thereby also 
seen, giving kingdoms for them, giving men for them, 
and people for their lives, as it is in the forty-third 
of Isaiah 1 Is not this as fair a lecture and as clear 
speaking, as anything our dark reason, left to the 
letter of the Scriptures, can collect from them 1 By 
this voice has God spoken very loud on the behalf of 
his people, by judging their enemies in the late war, 
and restoring them a liberty to worship with the 
freedom of their consciences, and a freedom in their 
estates and persons when they do so. And thus we 
have found the cause of God by the works of God, 

1 'Rod' in text. 2 Ps. ix. 16. 



JAN. 22, 1655 183 

which are the testimony of God, upon which rock 
whosoever splits shall suffer shipwreck. 

But it is our glory, and it is mine, if I have any in 
the world, concerning the interest of those that have an 
interest in a better world, it is my glory that I know 
a cause, which yet we have not lost, but do hope we 
shall take a little pleasure rather to lose our lives 
than lose. But you will excuse this long digression. 

I say unto you, whilst you have been in the midst 
of these transactions, that party, that Cavalier party, 
— I could wish some of them had thrust in here to 
have heard what I say, — the Cavalier party have been 
designing and preparing to put this nation in blood 
again, with a witness. But because I am confident 
there are none of that sort here, therefore I shall say 
the less to that ; only, this I must tell you, they have 
been making great preparations of arms, and I do 
believe [it] will be made evident to you, that they 
have raked out many thousands of arms, even all 
that this city could afford for divers months last past. 

But it will be said, May we not arm ourselves for 
the defence of our houses, will anybody find fault for 
that 1 ? No! For that the reason of their doing so 
hath been as explicit, and under as clear proof, as the 
fact of [their] doing so ; for which I hope by the 
justice of the land, some will, in the face of the nation, 
answer it with their lives, and then the business will 
be pretty well out of doubt. 

Banks of money have been framing for these and 
other such like uses. Letters have been issued, with 



184 JAN. 22, 1655 

Privy Seals, to as great persons as most are in the 
nation, for the advance of moneys, which have been 
discovered to us by the persons themselves. Com- 
missions for regiments of horse and foot, and command 
of castles, have likewise [been] given from Charles 
Stuart since your sitting. And what the general 
insolences of that party have been, the honest people 
have been sensible of and can well testify. 

It hath not been only thus. But as in a quinsy or 
pleurisy where the humour fixeth in one part, give it 
scope, it will gather to that place to the hazarding of 
the whole, and it is natural to do so, till it destroy 
nature in that person on whomsoever this befalls,— 
so likewise, will those diseases take accidental causes 
[for] T aggravation of their distemper. And this was 
that which I did assert, that they have taken accidental 
causes for the growing and increasing of those dis- 
tempers, as much as would have been in the natural 
body, if timely remedy were not applied. And in- 
deed things were come to that pass, in respect of 
which I shall give you a particular account, that no 
mortal physician, if the great physician had not 
stepped in, could have cured the distemper. Shall 
I lay this upon your account or my own ? I am sure 
I can lay it upon God's account, that if he had not 
stepped in, the disease had been mortal and destruc- 
tive. And what is all this ? Truly I must needs say, 
a company of men still, — like briers and thorns, and 
worse, if worse can be, of another sort than those 

1 ' of in text. 



JAN. 22, 1655 185 

before mentioned to you, — have been, and yet are, 
endeavouring to put us into blood and into confusion, 
more desperate and dangerous confusion than England 
ever yet saw. And I must say, as when Gideon com- 
manded his son to fall upon Zeba and Zalmunna and 
slay them, they thought it more noble to die by the 
hand of a man than of a stripling \ which shows there 
is some contentment in the hand by which a man 
falls ; so, is it some satisfaction if a Commonwealth 
must perish, that it perish by men, and not by the 
hands of persons differing little from beasts ; that if it 
must needs suffer, it should rather suffer from rich men 
than from poor men, who as Solomon says, when they 
oppress they leave nothing behind them, but are as 
a sweeping rain 2 . 

Now, such as these also are grown up under your 
shadow. But it will be asked, what have they done ? 
I hope, though they pretend Commonwealth's in- 
terest, they have had no encouragement from you, 
but that, as before, [they have] rather taken it, than 
that you have administered any cause unto them for 
so doing, from delays, from hopes that this Parliament 
would not settle, from pamphlets mentioning strange 
votes and resolves of yours, which I hope did abuse 
you. Thus you see, whatever the grounds were, 
these have been the effects. And thus I have laid 
these things before you, and you and others will be 
easily able to judge how far you are concerned. 

And what have these men done ? They have also 

1 Judges viii. 20, ax. 2 Prov. xxviii. 3. 



186 JAN. 22, 1655 

laboured to pervert where they could, and as they 
could, the honest meaning people of the nation, they 
have laboured to engage some in the army ; and 
I doubt, that not only they, but some others also 
very well known to you, have helped in this work of 
debauching and dividing the army ; they have, they 
have. I would be loth to say, who, where, and how, 
much more loth to say, they were any of your own 
number, but I can say endeavours have been [made] 
to put the army into a distemper, and to feed that 
which is the worst humour in the army ; which though 
it was not a mastering humour, yet these took their 
advantage from delay of the settlement, and the 
practices before mentioned, and stopping the pay of 
the army to run us into free quarter and to bring us 
into the inconveniences most to be feared and avoided. 
What if I am able to make it appear in fact, that 
some amongst you have run into the City of London 
to persuade to petitions and addresses to you, for 
reversing your own votes that you have passed ? 
Whether these practices were in favour of your 
liberties, or tended to beget hopes of peace and 
settlement from you ? And whether debauching the 
army in England, as is before expressed, and starving 
it, and putting it upon free quarter, and occasioning 
and necessitating the greatest part thereof in Scotland 
to march into England, leaving the remainder thereof 
to have their throats cut there and kindling by the 
rest a fire in our own bosoms, were for the advantage 
of affairs here, let the world judge ? 



JAN. 22, 1655 187 

This I tell you also, that the correspondency held 
with the interest of the Cavaliers, [was] by that party 
of men, called Levellers, and who call themselves 
Commonwealth's men. Whose declarations were 
framed to that purpose 1 , and ready to be published 
at the time of their common rising, whereof we are 
possessed, and for which we have the confession of 
themselves now in custody ; who confess also they 
built their hopes upon the assurance they had of the 
Parliament's not agreeing [to] a settlement. 

Whether these humours have not nourished them- 
selves under your boughs, is the subject of my present 
discourse, and I think I say not amiss, if I affirm it to 
be so. And I must say it again, that that which hath 
been their advantage thus to raise disturbance, hath 
been, by the loss of those golden opportunities, that 
God hath put into your hands for settlement. 

Judge you, whether these things were thus or no, 
when you first sat down. I am sure things were not 
thus. There was a very great peace and sedateness 
throughout these nations, and great expectations of 
a happy settlement, which I remembered to you at 
the beginning of my speech, and hoped that you 
would have entered upon your business as you found 
it. There was a government in the possession of the 
people, I say a government in the possession of the 
people, for many months, — it hath now been exercised 
near fifteen months, — and if it were needful that 

1 i.e. of debauching and dividing the Army and throwing it into a 
distemper. 



188 JAN. 22, 1655 

I should tell you, how it came into their possession 
and how willingly they received it, how all law and 
justice were distributed from it in every respect, as to 
life, liberty, and estate, how it was owned by God, as 
being the dispensation of his providence, after twelve 
years' war, and sealed and witnessed unto by the people, 
I should but repeat what I said in my last speech 
made unto you in this place, and therefore I forbear. 

When you were entered upon this government, 
[instead of] ravelling into it, — you know I took no 
notice what you were doing, — if you had gone upon 
that foot of account, to have made such good and 
wholesome provisions for the good of the people of 
these nations, for the settling of such matters in things 
of religion as would have upheld and given counten- 
ance to a Godly Ministry, and yet would have given 
a just liberty to Godly men of different judgements, 
[though] men of the same faith with them that you 
call the Orthodox Ministry in England, — as it is well 
known the Independents are, and many under the form 
of Baptism, who are sound in the Faith, only may per- 
haps be different in judgement in some lesser matters, 
yet [are] 1 true Christians, both looking at salvation 
only by faith in the blood of Christ, men professing 
the fear of God, havitig recourse to the name of 
God as to a strong tower 2 , — I say, you might have 
had opportunity to have settled peace and quietness 

1 'as' in original. 

8 ' the name of the Lord is a strong tower : the righteous runneth unto it, 
and is exalted.' Proverbs xviii. io. 



JAN. 22, 1655 189 

amongst all professing Godliness, and might have 
been instrumental, if not to have healed the breaches, 
yet to have kept the Godly of all judgements from 
running one upon another, and by keeping them from 
being overrun by a common enemy, [to have] ren- 
dered them and these nations both secure, happy, and 
well satisfied. 

Are these things done ? Or anything towards them 1 
Is there not yet upon the spirits of men a strange 
itch % Nothing will satisfy them, unless they can 
put their finger upon their brethren's consciences, to 
pinch them there. To do this was no part of the con- 
test we had with the common adversary ; for religion 
was not the thing at the first contested for, but God 
brought it to that issue at last, and gave it to us by 
way of redundancy, and at last it proved that which 
was most dear to us. And wherein consisted this, 
more than in obtaining that liberty from the tyranny 
of the Bishops to all species of Protestants, to worship 
God according to their own light and consciences 1 
For want of which, many of our brethren forsook their 
native countries to seek their bread from strangers, 
and to live in howling wildernesses ; and for which 
also many that remained here were imprisoned, and 
otherwise abused and made the scorn of the nation. 

Those that were sound in the Faith, how proper 
was it for them to labour for liberty, for a just liberty, 
that men should not be trampled upon for their con- 
sciences ? Had not they laboured but lately under 
the weight of persecutions, and was it fit for them to 



190 JAN. 22, 1655 

sit heavy upon others ? Is it ingenuous to ask liberty, 
and not to give it ? What greater hypocrisy than for 
those who were oppressed by the Bishops, to become 
the greatest oppressors themselves so soon as their 
yoke was removed ? I could wish that they who call 
for liberty now also, had not too much of that spirit, 
if the power were in their hands. 

As for profane persons, blasphemers, such as preach 
sedition, the contentious railers, evil speakers who 
seek by evil words to corrupt good manners, persons 
of loose conversations, punishment from the Civil 
Magistrate ought to meet with them. Because, if 
these pretend conscience, yet walking disorderly, and 
not according but contrary to the Gospel and even to 
natural light, they are judged of all, and their sins 
being open, makes them subjects of the magistrate's 
sword, who ought not to bear it in vain. The disci- 
pline of the Army was such, that a man would not be 
suffered to remain there, of whom we could take notice 
he was guilty of such practices as these. And there- 
fore how happy would England have been, and you, 
and I, if the Lord had led you on to have settled upon 
such good accounts as these are, and to have discoun- 
tenanced such practices as the other, and left men 
in disputable things free to their own consciences ; 
which was well provided for by the [Act of] Govern- 
ment, and liberty left to provide against what was 
apparently evil. 

Judge you, whether the contesting for things that 
were provided for by this government hath been 



JAN. 22, 1655 191 

profitable expense of time for the good of these 
nations 1 By means whereof, you may see you have 
wholly elapsed your time, and done just nothing. 
I will say this to you in behalf of the Long Parlia- 
ment, that had such an expedient as this government 
been proposed to them, and that could they x have seen 
the cause of God thus provided for, and had by debates 
been enlightened in the grounds by which the diffi- 
culties might have been cleared, and [had] the reason 
of the whole enforced, — the circumstances of time and 
persons, with the temper and disposition of the people, 
and affairs both abroad and at home when it was 
undertaken, well weighed, — as well as they were 
thought to love their seats, I think in my conscience 
that they would have proceeded in another manner 
than you have done, and not have exposed things to 
those difficulties and hazards they now are at, nor 
given occasion to leave the people so dissettled as now 
they are, who I dare say, in the soberest and most 
judicious part of them, did expect not a questioning, 
but a doing of things in pursuance of the government. 
And if I be not misinformed, very many of you came 
up with this satisfaction, having had time enough to 
weigh and consider the same. And when I say, " such 
an expedient as this government is," — wherein I dare 
assert there is a just liberty to the people of God, and 
the just rights of the people in these nations provided 
for, — I can put the issue thereof upon the clearest 
reason, whatsoever any go about to suggest to the 

1 ' they could ' in text. 



192 JAN. 22, 1655 

contrary. But, this not being the time and place of 
such an averment, for satisfaction sake herein enough 
is said in a book, entituled, A True State of the Case of 
the Commonwealth, &c, published in January, 1653. 
And for nr^self, I desire not to keep it an hour longer 
than I may preserve England in its just rights, and 
may protect the people of God in such a just liberty 
of their consciences, as I have already mentioned. 
And therefore if this Parliament have judged things 
to be otherwise than as I have stated them, it had 
been huge friendliness, — between persons that had 
such a reciprocation, and in so great concernments to 
the public, — for them to have convinced me in what 
particulars therein my error lay ; of which I never yet 
had a word from you. But if, instead thereof, your 
time has been spent in setting up somewhat else upon 
another bottom than this stands, that looks as if a 
laying grounds of a quarrel had rather been designed, 
than to give the people settlement. If it be thus, it's 
well your labours have not arrived to any maturity 
at all. 

The government called you hither, the constitu- 
tion whereof being so limited, a single person and a 
Parliament. And this was thought most agreeable 
to the general sense of the nation, having had experi- 
ence enough by trial of other conclusions, judging 
this most likely to avoid the extremes of monarchy 
on the one hand, and democracy on the other, and 
yet not to found dominium in gratia. And if so, 
then certainly to make it more than a notion, it was 



JAN. 22, 1655 193 

requisite that it should be as it is in the [Act of] 
Government, which puts it upon a true and equal 
balance. It has been already submitted to the judi- 
cious honest people of this nation, whether the balance 
be not equal ; and what their judgement is, is visible 
by submission to it, by acting upon it, by restrain- 
ing their trustees from meddling with it ; and it 
neither asks nor needs any better ratification. But 
when trustees in Parliament shall by experience 
find any evil in any parts of the government, — 
referred by the [Act of] Government itself to the 
consideration of the Protector and Parliament, of 
which time itself will be the best discoverer, — how 
can it be reasonably imagined that a person, or 
persons, coming in by election, and standing under 
such obligations, and so limited, and so necessitated 
by oath to govern for the people's good, and to make 
their love, under God, the best underpropping and his 
best interest to him [self], — how can it, I say, be 
imagined that the present or succeeding Protectors 
will refuse to agree to alter any such thing in the 
government that may be found to be for the good of 
the people, or to recede from anything which he 
might be convinced casts the balance too much to the 
single person? And although for the present, the 
keeping up and having in his power the Militia seems 
the most hard, yet if it should be yielded up at such 
a time as this, when there is as much need to keep 
this cause, — which is most evident, at this time im- 
pugned by all the enemies of it, — as there was to get 

o 



194 JAN. 22, 1655 

it, what would become of all ? Or if it should not be 
equally placed in him and the Parliament, but yielded 
up at any time ? It determines his power, either for 
doing the good he ought, or hindering Parliaments 
from perpetuating themselves, or from imposing what 
religions they please on the consciences of men, or 
what government they please upon the nation, thereby 
subjecting us to dissettlement in every Parliament, 
and to the desperate consequences thereof. And if 
the nation shall happen to fall into a blessed peace, 
how easily and certainly will their charge be taken 
off, and their forces be disbanded ; and then where 
will the danger be to have the Militia thus [in] stated 1 
What if I should say, if there should be a dispropor- 
tion or disequality as to the power, it is on the other 
hand ? And if this be so, wherein have you had cause 
to quarrel 1 What demonstrations have you held forth 
to settle me to your opinion 1 Would you had made 
me so happy as to let me have known your grounds. 
I have made a free and ingenuous confession of faitli 
to you, and I could have wished it had been in your 
hearts to have agreed that some friendly and cordial 
debates might have been towards mutual conviction. 
Was there none amongst you to move such a thing ? 
No litness to listen to it 1 no desire of a right under- 
st anding 1 If it be not folly in me to listen to town- 
talk, such things have been proposed, and rejected 
with stiffness and severity once and again. Was it 
not likely to have been more advantageous to the 
good of the nation ? I will say this to you for myself. 



JAN. 22, 1655 195 

— and to that I have my conscience as a thousand wit- 
nesses, and I have my comfort and contentment in it, 
and I have the witness of divers here, that I think 
truly scorn to own me in a lie, — that I would not have 
been averse to any alteration, of the good of which I 
might have been convinced, although I could not have 
agreed to the taking it off' the foundation on which it 
stands, viz. the acceptation and consent of the people. 
I will not presage what you have been about or 
doing all this time, [nor] 1 do I love to make conjec- 
tures, but I must tell you this, that as I undertook 
this government in the simplicity of my heart, and as 
before God and to do the part of an honest man, and 
to be true to the interest, which in my conscience is 
dear to many of you, — though it is not always under- 
stood what God in his wisdom may hide from us as 
to peace and settlement, — so I can say, that no par- 
ticular interest, either of myself, estate, honour, or 
family are or have been prevalent with me to this 
undertaking. For if you had upon the old govern- 
ment offered to me this one, this one thing, — I speak 
as thus advised, and before God as having been to 
this day of this opinion, and this hath been my con- 
stant judgement, well known to many that hear me 
speak, — if this one thing had been inserted, that one 
thing, that this government should have been and 
placed in my family hereditary, I would have rejected 
it, and I could have done no other according to my 
present conscience and light. I will tell you my 

1 l or' in original. 
O 2 



196 JAN. 22, 1655 

reason, though I cannot tell what God will do with 
me, nor you, nor the nation, for throwing away pre- 
cious opportunities committed to us. This hath been 
my principle, and I liked it, when this government 
came first to be proposed to me, that it put us off 
that hereditary way. Well looking that as God had 
declared what government he had delivered over to 
the Jews, and placed it upon such persons as had 
been instrumental for the conduct and deliverance of 
his people; and considering that promise in Isaiah, 
that God would give rulers as at the first, and 
judges as at the beginning \ I did not know but that 
God might begin, and though at present with a most 
unworthy person, yet as to the future it might be 
after this manner, and I thought this might usher it 
in. I am speaking as to my judgement against 
making it hereditary, to have men chosen for their 
love to God, and to truth and justice, and not to 
have it hereditary. For as it is in Ecclesiastes, 
who knoweth whether he may beget a fool or wise 2 ? 
Honest or not, whatever they be, [they] must come 
in upon that account, because the government is 
made a patrimony. And this I do perhaps declare 
with too much earnestness, as being my own concern- 
ment, and know not what place it may have in your 
hearts and [those] of the good people in the nation ; 
but however it be, I have comfort in this my truth and 
plainness. I have thus told you my thoughts, which 

1 Isaiah i. 26, ' And I will restore thy judges as at the first and thy 
counsellors as at the beginning.' 2 See Eccles. ii. 19. 



JAN. 22, 1655 197 

truly I have declared to you in the fear of God, as 
knowing he will not be mocked, and in the strength 
of God, as knowing and rejoicing that I am kept in 
my speaking ; especially, when I do not form or frame 
things without the compass of integrity and honesty, 
[knowing] that my own conscience gives me not the lie 
to what I say : and then, in what I say I can rejoice. 

Now to speak a word or two to you of that I must 
profess in the name of the same Lord, and wish that 
there had been no cause that I should have thus 
spoken to you ; and though I have told you that 
I came with joy the first time, with some regret the 
second, [to tell you] that now I speak with most 
regret of all. I look upon you as having among you 
many persons, that I could lay down my life indi- 
vidually for. I could, through the grace of God, desire 
to lay down my life for you, so far am I from having 
an unkind or un-Christian heart towards you in your 
particular capacities. I have that indeed as a work 
most incumbent upon me. I consulted what might be 
my duty in such a day as this, casting up all con- 
siderations. I must confess, as I told you, that I did 
think occasionally this nation hath suffered extremely 
in the respects mentioned, as also in the disappoint- 
ment of their expectations of that justice that was 
due to them by your sitting thus long ; and what have 
you brought forth ? I did not, nor cannot apprehend 
what [the reason of] it is ; I would be loth to call 
it a fate, that were too paganish a word, but there 
is something in it. that we have not our expectations. 



198 JAN. 22, 1655 

I did think also for myself, that I am like to meet 
with difficulties, and that this nation will not, as it is 
fit it should not, be deluded with pretexts of necessity 
in that great business of raising of money. And were 
it not that I can make some dilemmas upon which 
to resolve some things of my conscience, judgement, 
and actions, I should sink at the very prospect of my 
encounters. Some of them are general, some are more 
special. Supposing this cause, or this business, must 
be carried on, either it is of God, or of man. If it be 
of man, I would I had never touched it with a finger ; 
if I had not had a hope fixed in me that this cause, and 
this business, is of God, I would many years ago have 
run from it. If it be of God, he will bear it up. If it 
be of man, it will tumble, as everything that hath been 
of man, since the world began, hath done. And what 
are all our histories, and other traditions of actions in 
former times, but God manifesting himself that he 
hath shaken and tumbled down, and trampled upon 
everything that he hath not planted 1 ? And as this 
is, so [will] the all-wise God deal with it. If this be 
of human structure and invention, and it be an old 
plotting and contrivance to bring things to this issue, 
and that they are not the births of providence, then 
they will tumble. But if the Lord take pleasure in 
England, and if he will do us good, he is able to bear 
us up ; let the difficulties be whatsoever they will, we 
shall in his strength be able to encounter with them. 
And I bless God I have been inured to difficulties, and 
I never found God failing when I trusted in him ; 



JAN. 22, 1655 199 

I can laugh and sing in my heart when I speak of 
these things to you, or elsewhere. And though some 
may think it is an hard thing without Parliamentary 
authority to raise money upon this nation, yet I have 
another argument to the good people of this nation, 
if they would be safe, and have no better principle. 
Whether they prefer the having of their will, though 
it be their destruction, rather than comply with things 
of necessity 1 That will excuse me ; but I should 
wrong my native country to suppose this. For I look 
at the people of these nations, as the blessing of the 
Lord ; and they are a people blessed by God. They 
have been so, and they will be so, by reason of that 
immortal seed, which hath been and is among them. 
Those regenerated ones in the land, of several judge- 
ments, who are all the flock of Christ, and lambs of 
Christ, though perhaps under many unruly passions 
and troubles of spirit, whereby they give disquiet to 
themselves and others, yet they are not so to God, 
as to us. He is a God of other patience, and he will 
own the least of truth in the hearts of his people. 
And the people being the blessing of God they will 
not be so angry, but they will prefer their safety to 
their passions, and their real security to forms, when 
necessity calls for supplies. Had they not well been 
acquainted with this principle, they had never seen 
this day of gospel-liberty. 

But if any man shall object, It is an easy thing to 
talk of necessities, when men create necessities. Would 
not the Lord Protector make himself great, and his 



200 JAN. 22, 1655 

family great? Doth not he make these necessities, 
and then he will come upon the people with this 
argument of necessity ? This were something hard 
indeed ; but I have not yet known what it is to make 
necessities, whatsoever the judgements or thoughts of 
men are. And I say this, not only to this assembly, 
but to the world, that that man liveth not, that can 
come to me, and charge me that I have in these great 
revolutions made necessities ; I challenge even all 
that fear God. And as God hath said, niy glory 
I tvill not give unto another 1 1 let men take heed and 
be twice advised, how they call his revolutions, the 
things of God, and his working of things from one 
period to another, how I say, they call them neces- 
sities of men's creation. For by so doing they do 
vilify and lessen the works of God, and rob him of 
his glory, which he hath said he will not give unto 
another, nor suffer to be taken from him. We know 
what God did to Herod, when he was applauded, and 
did not acknowledge God. And God knoweth what 
he will do with men, when they shall call his revolu- 
tions human designs, — and so detract from his glory, — 
when they have not been forecast, but sudden provi- 
dences in things : whereby carnal and worldly men 
are enraged, and under and at which many I fear, 
some good, have murmured and repined, because dis- 
appointed of their mistaken fancies. But still they 
have been the wise disposings of the Almighty, though 
[his] instruments have had their passions and frail- 

1 Isa. xlii. 8, 



JAN. 22, 1655 201 

ties. And I think it is an honour to God to acknow- 
ledge the necessities to have been of God's imposing, 
when truly they have been so, as indeed they have, 
when we take our sin in our actings to ourselves ; 
and much more safe, than [to] judge things so con- 
tingent, as if there were not a God that ruled the 
earth. We know the Lord hath poured this nation 
from vessel to vessel, till he poured it into your lap, 
when you first came together. I am confident it came 
so into your hands, [and] was not judged by you to 
be from counterfeited or feigned necessity, but by 
divine providence and dispensation. And this I speak 
with more earnestness, because I speak for God and 
not for men. I would have any man to come and 
tell of the transactions that have been, and of those 
periods of time wherein God hath made these revo- 
lutions, and find where they can fix a feigned neces- 
sity. I could recite particulars, if either my strength 
would serve me to speak, or yours to hear. If that 
you would revolve the great hand of God in his great 
dispensations, you would find that there is scarce 
a man that fell off at any period of time, when God 
had any work to do, that can give God or his work, 
at this day, a good word. It was, say some, the 
cunning of the Lord Protector, — I take it to myself, — 
it was the craft of such a man, and his plot that 
brought it about. And as they say in other countries, 
There are five or six cunning men in England that 
have skill : they do all these things. Oh, what 
blasphemy is this ! Because, [these are] men that are 



202 JAN. 22, 1655 

without God in the world, and walk not with him, 
and know not what it is to pray, or believe, and to 
receive returns from God, and to be spoken unto by 
the Spirit of God, who speaks without a written 
Word sometimes, yet according to it : God hath 
spoken heretofore in divers manners, let him speak as 
he pleaseth. Hath he not given us liberty ? Nay, is 
it not our duty to go to the Law and to the Testi- 
monies, and there we shall find that there have been 
impressions in extraordinary cases, as well without 
the written Word as with it, and therefore there is 
no difference in the thing thus asserted from truths 
generally received, except we will exclude the Spirit, 
without whose concurrence all other teachings are 
ineffectual. He doth speak to the hearts and con- 
sciences of men, and leadeth them to his Law and 
Testimonies, and there he speaks to them, and so 
gives them double teachings, according to that of Job, 
God speaketh once, yea twice ; and that of David, 
God hath spoken once, yea twice have I heard- this 1 . 
Those men that live upon their mumpsimus and 
sumpsimus, their masses and service-books, their dead 
and carnal worship, no marvel if they be strangers to 
God, and the works of God, and to spiritual dispen- 
sations. And because they say and believe thus, must 
we do so too 1 We in this land have been otherwise 
instructed, even by the Word and Works, and Spirit 
of God. To say that men bring forth these things, 
when God doth them, judge you if God will bear this. 

1 Job xxxiii. 14, and Ps. lxii. n. 



JAN. 22, 1655 203 

I wish that every sober heart, though he hath had 
temptations upon him of deserting this cause of God, 
yet may take heed how he provokes, and falls into 
the hands of the living God by such blasphemies as 
these. According to the ioth of the Hebrews, If we 
sin wilfully after that we have received the knoivledge 
of the truth, there remains no more sacrifice for sin, — 
it was spoken to the Jews, that having professed 
Christ apostatized from him, — what then ? Nothing 
but a fearful falling into the hands of the living God. 
They that shall attribute to this or that person the 
contrivances and production of those mighty things 
God hath wrought in the midst of us, and [say] that 
they have not been the revolutions of Christ himself, 
upon whose shoulders the government is laid, they 
speak against God, and they fall under his hand with- 
out a Mediator. That is, if we deny the Spirit of 
Jesus Christ the glory of all his l works in the world, 
by which he rules kingdoms and doth administer, 
and is the [God] 2 of his strength, we provoke the 
Mediator. And he may say, I will leave you to 
God, I will not intercede for you, let him tear you 
to pieces ; I will leave thee to fall into God's hands ; 
thou deniest me my sovereignty and power com- 
mitted to me, I will not intercede nor mediate for 
thee ; thou fallest into the hands of the living God. 
Therefore whatsoever you may judge men for, and 
say, this man is cunning, and politic, and subtle, take 
heed, again I say, how you judge of his revolutions, 

3 ' rod ' in text. 



204 JAN. 22, 1655 

as the products of men's inventions. I may be 
thought to press too much upon this theme, but I 
pray God it may stick upon your hearts and mine. 
The worldly minded man knows nothing of this, but 
is a stranger to it, and because of this, his atheism 
and murmurings at instruments, yea repining at God 
himself, and no wonder, considering the Lord hath 
done such things amongst us as have not been known 
in the world these thousand years ; — and yet notwith- 
standing is not owned by us. 

There is another necessity which you have put upon 
us, and we have not sought ; I appeal to God, angels, 
and men, if I shall raise money according to the Article 
of the [Act of] Government, which had power to 
call you hither, and did. And instead of seasonable 
providing for the Army, you have laboured to over- 
throw the government, and the Army is now upon 
free quarter ; and you would never so much as let me 
hear a tittle from you concerning it. Where is the 
fault ? Has it not been as if you had had a purpose 
to put this extremity upon us and the nation 1 I hope 
this was not in your minds ; I am not willing to judge 
so, but this is the state unto which we are reduced. 
By the designs of some in the Army, who are now in 
custody, it was designed to get as many of them as 
[they] could, — through discontent for want of money, 
the Army being in a barren country, near thirty 
weeks behind in pay, and upon other specious pre- 
tences, — to march for England out of Scotland, and 
in discontent to seize their general there, a faithful 



JAN. 22, 1655 205 

and honest man, that so another might head the 
Army. And all this opportunity taken from your 
delays. Whether will this be a thing of feigned 
necessity? What could it signify, but that the army 
are in discontent already, and we will make them 
live upon stones, and we will make them cast off 
their governors and discipline ? What can be said to 
this ? I list not to unsaddle myself, and put the fault 
upon others' backs. Whether it hath been for the 
good of England, whilst men have been talking of 
this thing or the other, and pretending liberty, and 
a many good words? Whether it hath been as it 
should have been ? I am confident you cannot think 
it has ; the nation will not think so. And if the 
worst should be made of things, I know not what the 
Cornish-men, or the Lincolnshire-men may think, or 
other counties, but I believe they will all think they 
are not safe. A temporary suspension of caring for 
the greatest liberties and privileges, — if it were so, 
which is denied, — would not have been of that 
damage, that the not providing against free quarter 
hath run the nation upon. And if it be my liberty to 
walk abroad in the fields, or to take a journey, yet it 
is not my wisdom to do so when my house is on fire. 

I have troubled you with a long speech, and I be- 
lieve it may not have the same resentment with all, 
that it hath with some. But because that is unknown 
to me, I shall leave it to God, and conclude with that 
that I think myself bound, — in my duty to God and 
the people of these nations, to their safety and good 



206 FEB. 8, 1655 

in every respect, I think it my duty, — to tell you, 
that it is not for the profit of these nations, nor fit 
for the common and public good, for you to continue 
here any longer, and therefore, I do declare unto you, 
That I do dissolve this Parliament.' 

28. 

Speech to the Members of the late Parliament for 
Scotland. 

[Substance only.] 
1 Westminster, February 8, 165 J. — The Members 
that served in the late Parliament for Scotland came 
to take their leaves of his Highness, and laying down 
the heavy grievance of that nation by reason of a very 
numerous Army, his Highness told them, that the 
reason thereof was because the Ministry did preach 
up the interest of Charles Stuart, and did much 
inveigh against the present authority, so that there 
was a necessity of their continuance, but if they 
could propose any expedient, with a salvo to the 
security of that nation, he was willing to answer their 
desires therein ; whereupon the said Members are 
now considering of an expedient.' 

29. 

Speech to the Judges, at "Whitehall, July 13, 1655. 

[Substance only.] 
'Most of the Judges are already set forward in 
their Circuits, and at their taking leave at Whitehall 



JULY 28, 1655 207 

his Highness made a very learned speech, wherein he 
did most emphatically declare the sum of their duties, 
and how they ought to deport themselves in their 
places.' 



30. 

To the Ambassador of Sweden, Saturday, 
July 28, 1655. 

' My Lord Ambassador, 

I have great reason to acknowledge with 
thankfulness the respects and good affection of the 
King, your master, towards this Commonwealth, and 
towards myself in particular. Whereof I shall always 
retain a very grateful memory, and shall be ready 
upon all occasions to manifest the high sense and 
value I have of his Majesty's friendship and alliance. 

My Lord, you are very welcome into England, and 
during your abode here you shall find all due regard 
and respect to be given to your person, and to the 
business about which you come. 

I am very willing to enter into a nearer and more 
strict alliance and friendship with the King of Swede- 
land, as that which in my judgement will tend much 
to the honour and commodity of both nations, and to 
the general advantage of the Protestant interest. 

I shall nominate some persons to meet and treat 
with your Lordship, upon such particulars as you shall 
communicate to them.' 



208 MARCH 5, 1656 

3L 

Speech at a Conference as to the admission of Jews into 
England, Dec. 12, 1655. 

[Substance only.] 
1 That since there was a Promise that they should 
be converted, means ought to be used to that end ; 
and the most likely way was, the preaching of the 
Gospel in truth and sincerity, as it was then in 
England, devoid of all Popish Idolatry, which had 
rendered the Christian Religion odious to them.' 



32. 

Speech to the Lord Mayor, Aldermen, and Common 
Council of the City of London, at Whitehall, "Wednesday, 
March 5, 165f . 

[Substance only.] 

1 His Highness on Wednesday last was near two 
hours in delivering a speech at Whitehall to the Lord 
Mayor, Court of Aldermen, and Common Council of 
London, wherein he told them, That since fair means 
would not indulge, he should enforce the Royal party 
to a peaceable deportment. And seeing they were the 
cause, by their late endeavour, of raising the Militia 
troops to preserve the peace of the nation, it was 
thought but reasonable that their estate should be 
only charged therewith ; that so they might be in 
the nature of a standing Militia, and yet not [go] to 
warfare at their own charge ; being at all times to be 



MARCH 5, 1656 209 

drawn forth upon occasion. That the soldiers, as 
well as the officers, were so many inhabitants of each 
Association under their respective Major- Generals, 
and would thereby fitly serve to be so many watch- 
men or spies to give notice of, or apprehend, such as 
were of dissolute lives and conversation, who lived 
like gentlemen and yet had not visible way for the 
same, being cheaters and the like, who were more fit 
to be sent beyond the seas than to remain here. That 
God Almighty hath given us many blessings and 
deliverances, and now seemingly brought us into 
a probability of enjoying peace, which called upon 
us to make some returns thereof, by endeavouring 
that after all our expense of blood and treasure, the 
same might reap some fruits thereof; and this way 
the Lord hath owned, by making more effectual than 
was expected and by receiving a good acceptation 
with those who of late stood at some distance with us. 
So that the sole end of this way of procedure was the 
security of the peace of the nation, the suppressing 
of vice and encouragement of virtue, the very end 
of Magistracy. That there was a remissness in some 
of the Justices of Peace, by many of whom company 
keeping and was commanded; but now, that noble 
men, gentlemen, and all varieties and qualities, might 
give security for their peaceable and civil disposition, 
or go to prison. That we had indeed many good 
laws, yet that we have lived rather under the name 
and notion of Law, than under the thing ; so that it 
is resolved to regulate the same, God assisting, oppose 

p 



210 SEPT. 6, 1656 

who will. That now the Major- Generals had gone 
through all the counties of England and Wales ; and 
wherever the Major- Generals were present, in accord 
these loose and vagrant persons did fly from there to 
other counties, the Major- Generals' occasions not per- 
mitting them to be in accord at one time. And for 
that this City was a place that gave shelter to many 
such idle loose persons, who had and have their 
recourse thereto, the same practice is intended to be 
set on foot in the City by their Major-General 
Skippon, the Lord-Lieutenant of the Tower, and 
others commissioned with him. And therefore his 
Highness thought fit to acquaint the Lord Mayor, 
and those gentlemen present, with the same, to the 
end no misunderstanding may be had thereof; for 
that thereby the good government of the City is 
intended, and not at all to supersede them or at least 
to diminish any of their rights, privileges or liberties. 
Which was all his Highness had to say to them, and 
so dismissed them.' 

33. 

Speech to Officers of the Army at "Whitehall, 
Sept. 6, 1656. 

[Substance only.] 

' This day most of the Officers that were appointed 

to wait on his Highness met at Whitehall, where his 

Highness hinted to us the cause of our now meeting ; 

which was, that Charles Stuart had 8,ooo men in 



SEPT. 17, 1656 211 

Flanders ready to ship, and had writ to his friends 
here not to stir till he was upon the coast ; and that 
Colonel Sexby had promised the King of Spain to 
betray a considerable garrison in England to him, 
and that many here would join with him ; as also 
how the Fifth-Monarchy men and others did endea- 
vour to roll us into blood ; with other things which 
I shall give your Lordship an account of,' &c. 

34. 

His Highness' speech at the opening of Parliament, 
Wednesday, Sept. 17, 1656. 

' Gentlemen, 

When I came hither, I did think that a duty 
was incumbent upon me a little to pity myself, 
because, this being a very extraordinary occasion, 
I thought I had very many things to say to you ; 
but truly now, seeing you in such a condition as you 
are, I think I must turn off in this, as I hope I shall 
in everything else, and reflect upon [you] as cer- 
tainly not being able long to bear that condition 
and heat that you are in. 

Rhetoricians, to whom I do not pretend, neither 
to them nor to the things they use to speak, [speak] 
words. Truly our business is to speak things ; the dis- 
pensations of God that are upon us do require it. And 
that subject upon which we shall make our discourse 
is somewhat of very great interest and concernment 
both to the glory of God and with reference to his 

P 2 



212 SEPT. 17, 1656 

interest in the world, — I mean his peculiar, his most 
peculiar interest. And that will not teach any of 
us to exclude his general interest, which is the con- 
cernment of the living people within these three 
nations, with all the dependencies thereupon. I told 
you I should speak to things, things that concern 
these interests, the glory of God and his peculiar 
interest in the world, which is more extensive, I say, 
more extensive than the people of all these three 
nations, with the appurtenances or the countries and 
places belonging unto them. 

The first thing therefore that I shall speak to, is 
that that is the first lesson of Nature, which is being 
and preservation, — as to that of being, I do think 
I do not ill style it the first consideration that Nature 
teacheth the sons of Adam, — and then I hope we 
shall enter into a field large enough when we come 
to consider that [of] well-being ; and if that first be 
not well laid, I think the rest will hardly follow. 
Now in order to this, to the being and subsistence 
of these nations with all the dependencies, the conser- 
vation of that is either with a respect to be had to 
them that seek to undo it, and so make it not to be, 
and then with a very natural consideration to what 
will make it to be, will keep its being and sub- 
sistence. 

[Seeing] that that which plainly seeks the de- 
struction of the being of this nation, is out of doubt 
the endeavour and design of all the common enemies 
of it, I think truly it will not be hard to find out 



SEPT. 17, 1656 213 

who those enemies are, nor what hath made them so. 
I think they are all the wicked men of the world, 
whether abroad or at home, that are the enemies 
to the very being of this nation, and that upon a 
common account, from that very enmity that is in 
them [against] x whatsoever should serve the glory 
of God and the interest of his people ; which they 
see to be more eminently, yea most eminently patron- 
ized and professed in this nation, — we will speak it 
not with vanity, — above all the nations in the world. 
This is the common ground of the common enmity 
had against the prosperity of these nations, against 
the very being of them. Eut we shall not I think 
take up much time in contemplating who these 
enemies are, what they are in the general notion, but 
to labour to specificate our enemies, to know who 
they be and are, that seek the very destruction and 
being of these nations. And truly I would not have 
laid this foundation but to this end, that I might 
very particularly communicate with you, for which 
end you are called hither at this time, that I might 
particularly communicate with you of the many 
dangers that this nation stands in, in respect of 
enemies both abroad and at home; and also to 
advise with you about the remedies and means to 
obviate these dangers, which, say I, and I shall 
leave it to you whether you will join with me or 
no, strike at the very being and interest of these 
nations, [these] nations in the general, [and] especially 

1 ' yet ' in text. 



214 SEPT. 17, 1656 

at the interest of the people of God in these nations. 
And therefore that I may be particular, I shall shortly 
represent to you the estate of your affairs in that 
respect ; in respect of the enemies you are engaged 
with, and how you came to be engaged with those 
enemies, and how they came to be as heartily, I 
believe, engaged against you. 

Why, truly, your great enemy is the Spaniard. He 
is. He is a natural enemy, he is naturally so. He is 
naturally so, throughout, as I said before, throughout 
all your enemies, through that enmity that is in him 
against all that is of God that is in you, or that 
which may be in you, contrary to that that his blind- 
ness and darkness, led on by superstition and the 
implicitness of his faith in submitting to the See of 
Rome, acts him unto. With this King and State, 
I say, you are at this present in hostility. We put 
you into this hostility. You will give us leave to 
tell you how, as we are ready to excuse most of our 
actions, aye and to justify them as well as to * 
excuse them. Upon the grounds of necessity [we 
put you into this hostility], the grounds of necessity 
being above all considerations of justification, of 
instituted Law. And if this or any other State would 
go about, as I know they never will, to make laws 
against what may happen, against Providence, I 
think it is obvious to any man that they will make 
Law against all events ; events and issues of things 
being from God alone, to whom all issues belong. 

1 'to as' in text. 



SEPT. 17, 1656 215 

This State is your enemy, and is your enemy, as 
I told you, naturally, by that antipathy that is in 
him providentially, and that in divers respects. You 
could not, you could not have an honest nor an 
honourable peace with him. It was sought by the 
Long Parliament, it was not attained; it could not 
be attained with honour and honesty. I say, it could 
not be attained with honour and honesty. And truly 
when I say that he is naturally throughout an enemy, 
an enmity is put into him by God. I will put an 
enmity between thy seed and her seed \ which goes 
but for little among statesmen, but it is more con- 
siderable [than] 2 all things. And he that considers 
not the providential and accidental enmity, I think 
he is not well acquainted with Scripture and the 
things of God. And he is not only so upon that 
account but he is providentially so, God having in 
his wisdom disposed it to be so when we made a 
breach with him, when we made attempt upon him : 
I shall tell you when. 

No sooner did this nation reform that which is 
called unworthily the Keformed Religion, after the 
death of Queen Mary, by the Queen Elizabeth of 
famous memory, — we need not be ashamed to say so, 
— but his designs were by all unworthy unnatural 
means to destroy that person, and to seek the ruin 
and destruction of these kingdoms. And for me to 
instance in particular upon that account were to 
trouble you at a very unseasonable time. There is 

1 Gen. iii. 15. 2 l them ' in text. 



216 SEPT. 17, 1656 

a Declaration extant, which very fully hath in it the 
original of the Spaniard's venting him upon this 
nation and a series of it from those very grounds to 
this present day. But it was so, partly upon that 
general account which all have agreed ; the French, 
all the Protestants in Germany, have agreed that his 
design was the empire of the whole Christian world, 
if not more. And upon that ground he looks at 
this nation as his greatest obstacle. And what his 
attempts were to that end, I refer you to that Decla- 
ration and to the observations of men who read 
history. It would not be ill to remember the several 
assassinations designed upon that lady, that great 
Queen ; the attempts upon Ireland, their invading it ; 
the designs of the same nature upon this nation, 
public designs, private designs, all manner of designs 
to accomplish this great and general end. And truly, 
it is true King James made a peace ; but whether this 
nation, or any interest of all the Protestant Christians, 
suffered not more by that peace, than ever by his 
hostility, I refer it to your consideration. So that a 
State that you can neither have peace with, nor reason 
from, is that State with whom you have enmity at this 
time and against whom you are engaged. And give 
me leave to say this unto you, because it is truth and 
most men know it, that the Long Parliament did 
endeavour but could not obtain satisfaction all the 
time they sat. For their messenger was murdered, 
and when they asked satisfaction for the blood of 
your poor people unjustly shed in the West Indies, 



SEPT. 17, 1656 217 

and for the wrongs done elsewhere, when they asked 
liberty of conscience for your people that traded 
thither, satisfaction would not be given but denied. 
I say they denied satisfaction to be given, either for 
your messenger that was murdered, or the blood that 
was shed, or the damages that were done in the West 
Indies. No satisfaction at all, nor any reason given 
why there should not be liberty given to your people 
that traded thither, whose trade was very consider- 
able there and drew many of your people thither. 
And [this] begot an apprehension in us ; whether in 
you or no, let God judge between you and himself, 
I prejudge not, but all of us know that the people 
that [went] ] thither, to manage the trade there, were 
imprisoned there. We desired such a liberty as they 
might keep Bibles in their pockets, to exercise their 
liberty of religion to themselves and not to be under 
restraint. But there is not liberty of conscience to 
be had, neither satisfaction for injuries, nor for blood ; 
but when these things were desired, the Ambassador 
told us it was to ask his master's two eyes. To ask 
both his eyes to ask these things of him ! 

Now if this be so, why truly then there is some 
little foundation laid to justify the war that was had 
with the Spaniard. And not only so, but the plain 
truth of it [is], make any peace with any State that 
is Popish and subjected to the determination of Rome 
and [the] Pope himself, you are bound and they are 
loose. It is in the pleasure of the Pope at any time 

1 ' were ' in text. 



218 SEPT. 17, 1656 

to tell you, that though the man may be murdered, 
yet he has got into the sanctuary. And it is as true, 
and it hath been found by common and constant 
experience, that peace is but to be kept so long as 
the Pope saith Amen to it. And truly if I should tell 
you that that will determine it without any further 
question at all, we have not to do with any Popish 
State except France, and [in] that [country] it is 
true that they do not think themselves under such 
a tie to the Pope, but think themselves at liberty to 
perform honesties with nations with whom they are 
agreed, and [protest] 1 against the obligation of such a 
thing as that is. They are able to give us an explicit 
answer to anything reasonably demanded of them! 
And there is no State we can speak of save this, 
which is under the lash of the Pope to be determined 
[upon anything], but will break it or keep it when they 
please upon these grounds. In the time when Philip 
the Second was married to Queen Mary, and since 
that time, through that power and instigation, twenty 
thousand Protestants were massacred in Ireland. 

We thought, being denied just things, we thought 
it our duty to get that by the sword which we could 
not otherwise do. And this hath been the spirit of 
Englishmen ; and if so, certain it is and ought to be 
the spirits of men that have higher spirits. With 
this State you are engaged, and it is a great and 
powerful State, though I may say that also with all 
other States, with all other Christian States, you are 

1 'profest' in text. 



SEPT. 17, 1656 219 

at peace. And [this in spite of] all those engage- 
ments that were upon you before the government 
were undertaken, which was war with France, Den- 
mark, and upon the matter war with Spain. I could 
instance how it was said, we will have a war in the 
Indies, though we fight them not at home. I say we 
are at peace with all other nations, and have only 
a war with Spain. I shall say somewhat to you, that 
will let you see our clearness to that, by-and-by. 
. Having thus engaged with Spain, it is that party 
that brings all your enemies before you ; it doth. 
For it is so now that Spain hath espoused that 
interest that you have all along hitherto been con- 
flicting with, Charles Stuart's interest. And I would 
but meet that [gentleman] 1 upon a fair discourse that 
is willing that that person should come back again, 
but I dare not believe any in this room is. I say it 
doth not detract at all from your cause, nor yet from 
your ability to make resistance, that God by his 
providence hath so disposed that the King of Spain 
hath espoused that person. I say no person but 
would be wonderfully well satisfied that it is not for 
the [advantage] 2 of that person, and [the] choosing 
out, as was said to-day, [of] a captain to lead us 
back again into Egypt, if there be such a place, — 
I mean metaphorically and allegorically so, — that is 
to say, returning to all those things that we think 
we have been fighting against and destroying of all 
that good, (we have had some hints to-day.) we have 

1 ' General ' in text. 2 ' aversion ' in text. 



220 SEPT. 17, 1656 

attained unto. I am sure my speech will signify 
very little if such grounds go not for good. And 
I must say this to you, that there is not a man in 
England that is apt to comply with Papists and 
Cavaliers, but to them it is the greatest parable and 
absurdest discourse. And therefore we could wish 
they were all where Charles Stuart is, all that declare 
that they are of that spirit. I do with all my heart, 
aye, and I would help them to a boat to carry them 
over that are of that mind. Yea, and if you shall 
think it a duty to drive them over by arms, I will 
help in that also. You are engaged with this enemy ; 
and this last said hath a little vehemency in it, but 
it is worth your consideration. 

Though I seem to be all this while upon the justice 
of this business, yet my desire is to let you see the 
dangers that this nation stands in, and all the honest 
interest. Yea, all the interests of the Protestants in 
Germany, Denmark, Helvetia, the Cantons, and all 
the interests in Christendom [are] the same as yours. 
If you succeed well and act well, and be convinced 
what is God's interest and but prosecute it, you will 
find that you act for a very great many [that are] l 
God's own. Therefore I say that as your danger is 
from the common enemy abroad, who is the head 
of the Papal, interest, the head of that anti- Christian 
interest, that is so described in Scripture, so fore- 
spoken of, — and so fully is that charactered name 
given him by the Apostle in his Epistle to the 

1 ' that's ' in text. 



SEPT. 17, 1656 221 

Thessalonians, and also expressed throughout the 
Kevelations, which are sure plain things, except you 
will deny the truth of the Scriptures, you must needs 
see that that State is so described in Scripture to be 
Papal and anti-Christian, — I say with this enemy and 
upon this account you have the quarrel with the 
Spaniard. And truly he hath an interest in your 
bowels, he hath so. The Papists in England they have 
been accounted, ever since I was born, Spaniolised. 
There is not a man amongst us can hold up a face 
against it. They never regarded France, they never 
regarded any other Popish State. Where any [such] 
interest was, Spain was their patron. It was so in 
England, Ireland, and Scotland ; no man can doubt 
of it. Therefore I must needs say, this interest at 
home is a great piece of your danger. It is, and 
it is evidently so. and will be more so, upon that 
account that I told you. He hath espoused Charles 
Stuart, with whom he is fully at agreement ; for 
whom he hath raised seven or eight thousand men, 
that are now quartered at Bruges ; to whom Don 
John of Austria hath promised as soon as the [cam- 
paign] * is ended, which [it] is conceived will be in 
about five or six weeks, he shall have four or five 
thousand ; and the Duke of [Neuburg] 2 , who is a 
Popish State, hath promised good assistance according 
to his power ; and other Popish States the like. In 
this condition you are with that State, and in this 

1 * campania ' in text. 

2 Blank in MS. here. Editor of Burton's Diary inserts ' Newburgh' from 
letter in Thurloe's State Papers, V. 427. 



222 SEPT. 17, 1656 

condition through unavoidable necessity, because your 
enemy was naturally so, and is become so provi- 
dentially. 

This being so, that as there is a complication of 
these interests, so there is a complication here. Can 
we think that Papists and Cavaliers shake not hands 
in England? They will not tell you so, nor in being 
cozened by unworthy compliances of individuals in 
this nation, or any general compliance, [admit] it [to 
be] unworthy, un-Christian, un-English-like. There- 
fore I say it doth serve to let you see, and for that 
end I tell it you, to let you see your danger and the 
rise of it. It is not only thus, that we stand in this 
condition towards Spain, towards all that interest 
that would make void and frustrate all that are 
doing for you, [it is not only] in respect of the 
Popish interest, Papists and Cavaliers, but it is also 
[in other respects], that is to say your danger is so 
great, if you be sensible of it, from persons that 
pretend other things ; yea, who though perhaps they 
do not all suit in their hearts with the said interest, 
yet all men know, and must know, that discontented 
spirits end somewhere. They must expect back and 
support somewhere ; and truly those discontentments 
are another piece of your danger. They must end at 
the interest of the Cavalier at the long run. That 
must be their support. I could have reckoned this 
upon other [grounds], but I shall give you an account 
of things as they appear to be, for that I desire to clear 
them to you not discoursively but to let you see 



SEPT. 17, 1656 223 

matter of fact and to let you see how the state of 
your affairs stands. 

It is true, there was not long since an endeavour 
to make an insurrection in England. It was so for 
some time before it brake out. It was so before the 
last Parliament sat, the last ! It was so from the time 
not only of the undertaking of this government, but 
the spirit and principle of it did work in the [time of 
the] Long Parliament. From that time till to this, 
hath there been nothing but enterprising and design- 
ing against you, and it is no strange nor new thing 
to tell you, because it is true and certain, that the 
Papists, the Priests and Jesuits, have a great influence 
upon the Cavalier party. They and the Cavaliers' 
party [have a like influence] upon discontented spirits 
of the nation, who are not all so apt to see where 
dangers lie, nor to what the management of "affairs 
tends. It is these to whom they do foment all things 
that tend to disservice, to propagate discontentments 
upon the minds of men. And if we would instance 
in particulars those that have manifested this, we could 
tell you that Priests and Jesuits have insinuated them- 
selves into the society of men, pretending the same 
things that they have pretended, and whose ends have 
been that, out of doubt, which I told you. We had 
that insurrection. It was intended first to the assas- 
sination of my person ; which I would not remember 
as anything at all considerable to myself or to you, 
for they must cut throats beyond human consideration 
before they had been able to effect their design. You 



224 SEPT. 17, 1656 

know that very well. It is no fable, for persons were 
arraigned for it before the Parliament and tried, and 
upon proof condemned for their designs and endeavours 
to cut the throat of myself and three or four more, that 
they singled out as being a little more than ordinary 
industrious to preserve the peace of the nation ; and 
did think to make a very good issue to the accom- 
plishment of their designs. I say this was made good 
upon the trial. Before the Parliament sat, all the 
time the Parliament sat, they were about it. We did 
hint these things to them by several persons, that 
acquainted them therewith. But what fate we lay 
under I know not. It was conceived, it seems, we 
had [hinted] things that rather intended to persuade 
agreement and consent, and monies out of the people's 
purses, or I know not what ; but nothing was believed, 
though there was a series of these things distinctly 
and plainly communicated to many Members. The 
Parliament rose about the middle of January. By 
the twelfth of March after, they were in arms. But 
these were a company of mean fellows, alas, not a lord, 
nor a gentleman, nor a man of fortune, nor this nor 
that, amongst them; but it was a poor headstrong 
people, a company of rash fellows, that were at the 
undertaking of this, and this was all. And by such 
things have men lost their consciences and honours, 
by complying upon such notions as these are. 

Give me leave to tell you, we know it, we are able 
to prove it, and I refer you to that Declaration which 
is for provision against Cavaliers, as I did you to the 



SEPT. 17, 1656 225 

other that sets down the ground of our war with 
Spain, whether these things were so or no. If men 
will not believe, we are satisfied we do our duty. If 
we let you know things and the ground of them, it 
is satisfaction enough to us ; but to see how men 
can reason themselves out of their honours and con- 
sciences in their compliance with those sort of people, 
which truly I must needs say some men had com- 
pliance with, that I thought never would for all the 
world, I must tell you so. These men rise in March ; 
and that it was a general design, I think all the world 
must know and acknowledge. For it is as evident 
as the day that the King sent Sir Joseph Wagstaffe 
and another, the Earl of Rochester, to the North. And 
that it was general, we had not by suspicion and 
imagination, but we know individuals. We are able 
to make appear, that persons that carried themselves 
the most demurely and fairly of any men in England 
were engaged in this business. And he that gave our 
instructions lost his life for it in [Cologne] l country ; 
I think I may now speak of it, because he is dead, 
but he did discover from time to time a full intelli- 
gence of these things. Therefore how men of wicked 
spirits may traduce us in that matter, or, notwith- 
standing all that hath been done, may still hold their 
compliances, I leave it. I think England cannot be 
safe, unless malignants be carried far away. We did 
[our duty] upon [such an] account as we are ready 
to give to all the world, and that done to them was 

1 Blank in MS. here. See Notes. 
Q 



226 SEPT. 17, 1656 

truly honest, aye, to them all, and upon undeniable 
grounds of justice and equity, knowing that they 
were in the eye and judgement of all the counties 
of England and all honest men in separating them- 
selves for such a work all the land over. There was 
never any design, but we could hear of it out of the 
Tower. He that watched over that, would give us 
an account that within a fortnight, or such a [time] \ 
there would be some stirrings, for there was a great 
concourse of people came to them, and that they had 
very great elevations of spirit. It was not only there, 
but in all the counties of England we have had infor- 
mations that they were upon designs all over, besides 
some particular places which came to our particular 
assurance and knowledge we had as from persons 
we had from the several counties in England. And 
if this be so, then as long as commotions can be held 
on foot, you are in danger by your war with Spain, 
with whom all the Papal interest is joined. This Pope 2 
is a person all the world knows to be a person of zeal 
for his religion, wherein perhaps he may shame us, 
and a man of contrivance, and wisdom, and policy, 
and his designs are known all over to be nothing else 
but endeavours to unite all the Popish interests in all 
the Christian world, against this nation above any, 
and against all the Protestant interest in the world. 
If this be so, and if you will take a measure of these 
things and we must still hold our esteem that we have 
had, [can we] 3 be ready to shake hands with them 

1 ' thing ' in text. 2 Alexander VII. 3 ' and be ready ' in text 



SEPT. 17, 1656 227 

and the Cavaliers? What doth this differ from the 
[Arch] bishop of Canterbury to reconcile matters of 
religion, if this temper be upon us to unite with men 
in civil things ? Give me leave to say, and I speak 
what I know, really I think [if] this nation cannot 
be happy upon the score of General &C. 1 , without we 
have this shaking of hands, if this be so I tell you 
plainly, — I hope I need not, I wish all the Cavaliers 
in England and all the Papists heard me declare it, 
and many here besides yourselves, — I tell you there 
are a company of poor men that are ready to spend 
their blood against such compliance ; and I am per- 
suaded the same things of you. 

If this be our condition, with respect had to this, 
truly let us go a little further, for I would lay open 
the danger wherein, I think in my conscience, we 
stand. And if God give not your hearts to see and 
discern that which is obvious, we shall sink and 
the house will fall about our ears upon such sordid 
attempts as these are. Truly there are a great many 
people in this nation that would not reckon up every 
pitiful thing, — that may be like a mouse nibbling at 
the heel, — but of considerable dangers. I will tell 
you plainly, for it is not time for compliments nor 
rhetorical speeches ; I have none truly but to tell you 
how we find things. 

There is a generation of men in this nation that 
cry up nothing but righteousness, and justice, and 

1 So in text. Perhaps some reference to the Major-Generals: sentence 
imperfect. 

Q3 



228 SEPT. 17, 1656 

liberty ; and these are diversified in several sects and 
sorts of men. And though they may be contemptible, 
in respect they are many and so not like to make 
a solid vow to do you mischief, yet they are apt to 
agree in aliquo tertio ; they are known, yea well 
enough, to shake hands together, I should be loth to 
say with Cavaliers, but with all the scum and dirt of 
this nation, to put you to trouble. And therefore 
when I shall come to speak to the remedies, I shall 
tell you what are the most apt and proper remedies 
in all these respects. I tell you of the very time 
when there was an insurrection at Salisbury, — I 
doubt whether it be believed whether ever there was 
any rising in North Wales, Shrewsbury, Rufford- 
Abbey, where there was about five hundred horses, 
Marston-Moor, Northumberland, &c. when all these 
insurrections were, — at that very time there was 
a party which was very proper and apt to come 
between the Papists and Cavaliers. And that Level- 
ling party hath some access lately that goes under 
a finer name or notion. I think they would be called 
Commonwealth's men, who perhaps have reason little 
enough. And it is strange that men of fortune and 
great estates should join with such a people, but if 
the fact be so, there needs no great reasons to dis- 
cover it to be so, it being so by demonstration. I say, 
this people at that very time, they were pretty 
numerous and do not despise them, this people at that 
time the Cavaliers were risen, this very people had 
prepared a Declaration against all the things that had 



SEPT. 17, 1656 229 

been transacted, and called them I know [not] by 
what, tyranny, oppression, things against the liberty 
of the subject, and cried out for justice, and righteous- 
ness, and liberty. And what was all this business 
for, but to join with the Cavaliers to carry on that 
design ? And these are things, not words ; that 
Declaration we got, and the penner of it we got, and 
we have got intelligence also how the business was 
laid and contrived, which was hatched in the time of 
the sitting of that Parliament. I do not accuse any- 
body, but I say that was the time of it, an unhappy 
time. And a plausible Petition was penned, that 
must come to me forsooth to consider of these things 
and to give redress and remedies : and this was so. 
Now indeed I must tell you plainly, we suspected a 
great deal of violence then, and we did hunt it out. 
I will not tell you these as high things, but at that 
time that the Cavaliers were to rise, a party was to 
seize upon General Monk in Scotland and to commit 
him to Edinburgh Castle upon this pretence of liberty. 
And when they had seized upon him, and clapped 
him by the heels and some other true and faithful 
officers, they were resolved upon a number at the 
same time to march away for London, and to leave 
a party behind them to have their throats cut by the 
Scots. Though I will not say they would have done 
it, yet it cannot be thought otherwise but that a 
considerable army would have followed them at the 
heels. And not only thus, but this spirit and prin- 
ciple designed some little fiddling things upon some of 



230 SEPT. 17, 1656 

your officers to an assassination, and an officer was 
engaged that was upon the Guard to seize me in my 
bed ; this was true. And other foolish designs there 
were, as to get in a room, to get gunpowder laid in it, 
and to blow up the room wherein I lay ; and this, we 
can tell you, is truth. These are persons not worthy 
naming, but the things are really true, and this is the 
state wherein we have stood, with which we have 
conflicted since the last Parliament. And upon this 
account and in this combination that is it I say to 
you, that the ringleaders to all this are none but your 
old enemies, the Papists and Cavaliers ; we have some 
in prison for these things. 

Now we would be loth to tell you of notions 
more seraphical. These are poor and low conceits. 
We have had very seraphical notions. We have 
had endeavours to heal between two interests, one 
that was part of the Commonwealth's interest, and 
another that was a notion of a Fifth-Monarchy 
interest. Whom I do not repeat, whose condition 
I do not repeat, as thinking it not worth your 
trouble ; but de facto it hath been so, that there hath 
been endeavours. As there was endeavours to make 
a reconciliation between Herod and Pilate that Christ 
might be put to death, so there hath been endeavours 
of reconciliation between the Fifth-Monarchy and the 
Commonwealth's men, that there might be union in 
order to an end, no end being so bad as that of 
Herod's, but in order to end in blood and confusion ; 
and that you may know. I profess, I do not believe 



SEPT. 17, 1656 231 

[of] these two last, that of Commonwealth's men and 
Fifth-Monarchy men, [but] that [they] have stood at 
a distance. I think they did not participate ; I would 
be so charitable, I would be, that they did not. But 
this I will tell you, that for the other, they did not 
only set these things on work, but sent a fellow, a 
wretched creature, an apostate from religion and all 
honesty, they sent him to Madrid to advise with the 
King of Spain to lend forces to invade this nation ; 
promising satisfaction, if they would comply and con- 
cur with him, to have both men and monies ; under- 
taking both to engage the fleet to mutiny and also 
your Army ; to raise a party, that if the Spaniard 
would say where he would land, they would be ready 
to assist him. This person was sometimes a Colonel 
in the Army. He went with letters to the Archduke 
Leopoldus and Don John. That was an Ambassador, 
and gave promises of much monies, and came back 
again and hath been soliciting and did obtain monies, 
that he sent [thither] by Bills of Exchange. And 
God, by his providence, we being exceeding poor, 
directed that we light[ed] on some of them and some 
of the monies. Now if they be payable, let them be 
called for. If the House shall think fit to order any, 
they may have an inspection into these things. We 
think it our duty to tell you of these things and we 
can make them good. Here is your danger, that is 
it ; and here is a poor nation that hath wallowed in 
its blood, though thanks be to God we have had peace 
these four or live years. Yet here is the condition 



232 SEPT. 17, 1656 

we stand in, and I think I should be false to you if 
I should not give you this true representation of it. 

I am to tell you, by the way, a word to justify 
a thing that I hear is much spoken of. When we 
knew all these designs before mentioned, when we 
found that the Cavaliers would not be quiet, — no 
quiet there is, no peace to the wicked, saith the 
Scriptures, the 57th of Isaiah, they are like the 
troubled sea that cannot rest, whose waters cast up 
mire and dirt ; they cannot rest, they have no peace 
with God and Jesus Christ in the remission of sins, 
they do not know what belongs to it, therefore they 
know not how to be at rest ; therefore they can no 
more cease from their actions, than they can cease to 
be, nor so easily either, — truly when this insurrection 
was, and we saw it in all the roots and grounds of it, 
we did find out a poor little invention, which I hear has 
been much regretted. That was, we were resolved that 
those men, that put the honest and peaceable minded 
people that would not comply with such things as 
these are [to such expense, should bear the charge of 
it]. I say there was a little thing invented, which 
was the erecting of your Major-Generals, to have 
a little inspection upon the people, thus divided, 
thus discontented, thus dissatisfied in divers interests 
by the Popish party, — the Lord Taaffe and others, the 
most consisting of natural Irish rebels and all those 
men you have fought against in Ireland, and expulsed 
from thence as having had a hand in that bloody 
massacre of those that were under his power, who 



SEPT. 17, 1656 233 

should have joined in this excellent business of insur- 
rection. And to the end that this nation, upon such 
a rise as that was, [might be settled, we invented 
this ;] so justifiable to necessity, so honest in every 
respect. Truly, if ever I think anything were honest, 
this was, as anything that ever I knew ; and I could 
as soon venture my life with it, as anything I ever 
undertook. We did find out, — I mean, myself and 
the Council, — that it was necessary to put that people 
who had occasioned all this trouble, if there were 
need to have greater forces to carry on this work, it 
was a most righteous thing to put the charge upon 
that party which was the cause of it. And if there 
be any man that hath a face looking averse to this, 
I dare pronounce him to be a man against the interest 
of England. Upon this account and upon this ground 
of necessity, when we saw what game they were upon, 
and knew individual persons, and of the greatest 
rank not a few engaged in this business, — I knew 
one man that laid down his life for it, — and by letters 
intercepted which made it as clear as the day, we did 
think it our duty to make them that were in the 
combination of men, as evident as anything in the 
world, equally to bear their shares of the charge, one 
with another, for the raising of the forces that were 
so necessary to defend us against these designs. And 
truly if any man be angry at it, I am plain and shall 
use a homely expression, let him turn the buckle of 
his girdle behind him. If this were to be done 
again, I would do it ! How the Major-Generals have 



234 SEPT. 17, 1656 

behaved themselves in that work ! I hope they are 
men as to their persons of known integrity and 
fidelity, and men that have freely adventured their 
blood and lives for that good cause, if it be thought 
so, which in my conscience is so, and it was well 
stated against all the humours and fancies of men. 
And truly England doth yet receive one day more of 
lengthening out its tranquillity by that occasion and 
action ; they do [say] that it doth manifest a year, 
for it is near so much time as that they have been 
exercised in that service. Well, your danger is, as 
you have seen : and truly I am sorry it is so great. 
I wish it might cause no despondency, as truly I think 
it will not, because we are Englishmen ; that is one 
good account. And if God give a nation propriety 
of valour and 'courage, it is honour and mercy and 
much more, because you all, I hope, are Christian 
men, Christian men that know Jesus Christ, and 
know that cause that hath been mentioned to you 
this day. 

Having declared to you my sense and my know- 
ledge, pardon me if I say so, my knowledge of the 
condition of these poor nations, for it hath an influ- 
ence upon them all, it concerneth them all very 
palpably, I should be to blame if I should not a little 
offer to you the remedies. I would comprehend 
them under two considerations ; they are some- 
what general. The one is, considering all things that 
may be done and ought to be done in order to secu- 
rity ; that is one. And truly the other is a common 



SEPT. 17, 1656 235 

head. The other is, doing all things that ought to 
be done in order to reformation ; and with that I 
shall close my discourse. And all that first hath 
been hinted at, was but to give you a sense of the 
danger that is most material and significant, for which 
you are principally called hither to advise of the 
remedies. I do put them into this method, not but 
[that] I think they are scarcely distinct. I do 
believe truly upon a serious and deliberate con- 
sideration, that a true reformation, — as it may and 
will, through God's acceptance and the endeavours of 
his poor servants, be, — that that will be pleasing 
in his sight, and [be] that, which will be not only 
that which shall avert the present danger, but be 
a worthy return for all the blessings and mercies 
which you have received. So in my conscience, if 
I were put to shew it this hour, where the security 
of the nations will lie, forces, arms, watchings, parts, 
strength, your being and freedom, be as politic and 
diligent and as vigilant as you can be, I would say 
in my very conscience, and as before Almighty God 
I speak it, I think your reformation, if it be honest, 
and thorough, and just, it will be your best security. 

First, for that of security. We shall speak a little 
distinctly to that. You see where your war is. It is 
with the Spaniard. You have peace with all nations, 
or the most of them, Swede, Dane, Dutch. At present 
I say, it is well it is at present so, and so with the 
Portugal, France, the Mediterranean Sea, both those 
States both Christian and profane ; the Mahometans, 



236 SEPT. 17, 1656 

you have a peace with them all. Only with Spain 
I say you have a difference, you have a war. I pray 
consider it. Do I come to tell you that I would tie 
you to this war ? No. As you shall find your spirits 
and reasons grounded in what hath been said, so let 
you and me join in the prosecution of that war, as we 
are satisfied, and as the cause will appear to our con- 
sciences in the sight of the Lord. But if you can 
come to prosecute it, prosecute it vigorously, or do 
not do it at all. Truly I shall speak a very great 
word, one may ask a very great question. TJnde, 
whence shall it come ? Our nation is overwhelmed in 
debts. But I think it my duty to deal plainly, I shall 
speak to that which Nature teacheth us, if we engage 
in a business. A recoiling man may haply recover of 
his enemy, but the courage of an enemy, surely, will 
be in the keeping of his ground. Therefore it is that 
which I would advise you, that we may join together 
to prosecute it vigorously. In the second place, 
I would advise you that you would deal effectually, 
seeing there is such a complication of interests. If 
you believe that there is such a complication of 
interests, why then, in the name of God, that excites 
you the more to do it! Give me leave to tell you, 
that I do not believe that in any war, that ever was 
in former times, nor any engagements that you have 
had with others, this nation had more obligations 
upon them to look to itself, to forbear expense of 
time, precious time. [We have no time now] need- 
lessly to mind things that are not essential, to be 



SEPT. 17, 1656 237 

quibbling about words and comparatively about things 
of no moment, and in the meantime, being in such 
a case as I suppose you know we are, to suffer our- 
selves to be wanting to a just defence against the 
enemies abroad, or not to be thoroughly sensible of 
the distempers that are at home. I know perhaps 
there are many considerations that may teach you, 
that may induce you to keep your hands tender from 
men of one religion and of such an interest as is so 
spread and rooted in the nation. Hence if they seek 
the eradication of the nation, if they are active as you 
have seen, and it hath been made manifest so as may 
not be denied, to the carrying on of their designs ; if 
England must be eradicated by persons complicated 
with the Spaniard, if this must be brought in through 
distempers and falseness of men amongst themselves ; 
then the question is no more but this, whether any 
consideration whatever shall lead us, for fear of eradi- 
cating of distempers, to suffer all the honest interests 
of this nation to be eradicated ? Therefore speak but 
generally of any of their distempers of all sorts, and 
when a member cannot be cured the rule is plain, ense 
rescindendum est immedicabile vulnus. And I think 
it is such an advantage as that nothing could ever be 
more properly used, since this or any nation was. 

As to those lesser distempers of people that pretend 
religion, [though that might seem to come under my 
first head] yet from the whole consideration of religion, 
which [it] would fall under, as one of the heads of 
reformation, I had rather put it under this head. And 



238 SEPT. 17, 1656 

I shall the less speak to it, because you have been so 
well spoken to this day already. I will tell you the 
truth, that that which hath been our practice since 
the last Parliament, hath been to let all this nation 
see that whatever pretensions be to religion, if quiet, 
peaceable, [they may enjoy] conscience and liberty to 
themselves, [so long as they do] not make religion 
a pretence for arms and blood. Truly we have suf- 
fered them, and that cheerfully, so to enjoy their own 
liberties. Whatsoever is contrary, let the pretence 
be never so specious, if it tend to combinations, to 
interests, and factions, we shall not care, by the grace 
of God, whom we rue withal, though never so specious, 
though never so quiet. And truly I am against all 
liberty of conscience repugnant to this ; I am. If men 
will profess, — be they those under Baptism, be they 
those of the Independent judgement simply, and of the 
Presbyterian judgement, — in the name of God, en- 
courage them, countenance them, while they do plainly 
hold forth to be thankful to God, and to make use of 
the liberty given them to enjoy their own consciences. 
For, as it was said to-day, undoubtedly this is the 
peculiar interest all this while contended for. That 
men that believe in Jesus Christ, — that is the form 
that gives the being to true religion, faith in Christ, 
and walking in a profession answerable to that faith, — 
men that believe the remission of sins through the 
blood of Christ and free justification by the blood of 
Christ, and live upon the grace of God, that those 
men, that are certain they are so, are members of 



SEPT. 17, 1656 239 

Jesus Christ and are to him as the apple of his eye. 
Whoever hath this faith, let his form be what it will, 
[if] he [be] walking peaceably without the prejudicing 
of others under another form, it is a debt due to God 
and Christ, and he will require it, if he may not enjoy 
this liberty. If a man of one form will be trampling 
upon the heels of another form, if an Independent, for 
example, will despise him under Baptism, and will 
revile him, and reproach, and provoke him, I will not 
suffer it in him. If, on the other side, those [of] the 
Anabaptists' [persuasion] shall be censuring the godly 
Ministers of the nation, that profess under that of 
Independency or those that profess under Presbytery, 
shall be reproaching or speaking evil of them, traducing 
and censuring of them, as I would not be willing to 
see the day on which England shall be in the power 
of the Presbytery to impose upon the consciences of 
others that profess faith in Christ, so I will not endure 
any reproach to them. But God give us hearts and 
spirits to keep things equal ; which truly I must 
profess to you hath been my temper. I have had 
boxes and rebukes on one hand and on the other, 
some envying me for Presbytery, others as an in-letter 
to all the sects and heresies in the nation. I have 
borne my reproach, but I have, through God's mercy, 
not been unhappy in preventing any one religion to 
impose upon another. And truly I must needs say, 
I speak it [not] experimentally, I have found it, 
I have, that those of the Presbyterian judgement 
[approve of it]. I speak it knowingly, as having 



240 SEPT. 17, 1656 

received [evidences] from very many counties. I have 
had petitions, and acknowledgements, and professions 
from whole counties, as from Cornwall, Devon, Somer- 
set, and other counties, acknowledgements that they 
do but desire they may have liberty and protection in 
the worshipping of God according to their own judge- 
ments, for the purifying of their congregations and the 
labouring to attain more purity of faith and repent- 
ance, that in their outward profession they will not 
strain themselves beyond their own line. I have had 
those, I have them to shew, and I confess I look at 
that as the blessedest thing, which hath been since 
the adventuring upon this government, that these 
times produce. And I hope I gave them fair and 
honest answers. And if it shall be found to be the 
care of the Civil Magistrate to keep thus all the pro- 
fessing Christians, and not to suffer all things said or 
done to provoke others, I think he that would have 
more liberty than this, is not worthy of any. This 
therefore I think verily, if it may be thus under 
consideration for reformation, if it please God to 
give you and me hearts to keep this even ; in giving 
countenance to Ministers, countenancing a just main- 
tenance to them, whether by tithes or otherwise, for 
my part I should think I were very treacherous if 
I should take away tithes, till I see the Legislative 
power to settle maintenance to them another way. 
But whoever they be that shall contend to destroy 
them, that doth as really cut their throats, as it is 
a drift to take them away before a way of repara- 



SEPT. 17, 1656 241 

tion or other maintenance be had. Truly I think all 
such practices and proceedings would be discoun- 
tenanced. I have heard it from as gracious a Minister 
as any is in England, I have had it professed, that it 
would be a far greater satisfaction to them to have 
it another way, if the State will provide it. There- 
fore I think for the keeping of the Church and people 
of God, and professors, in their several forms in this 
liberty, I think, as it hath been a thing that is the 
root of visible profession, the upholding this I think 
you will find a blessing in it, if God keep your hearts 
to keep things in this posture and balance, which is so 
honest and so necessary. 

Truly there might be some other things offered to 
you in the point of reformation, videlicet a reforma- 
tion of manners. But I had forgot one thing that 
I must remember ! It is their work, you know, in some 
measure ; yet give me leave to say, and I appeal unto 
your consciences, whether or no there hath not been an 
honest care taken for the ejecting of scandalous Minis- 
ters, and for the bringing in of them that have passed 
an Approbation. I dare say, such an Approbation as 
never passed in England before. And give me leave 
to say it hath been with this difference, that neither 
Mr. Doctor nor Parson in the University have satisfied 
those that have made their Approbations. Though, 
I can say so, they [the "Triers"] have a great esteem 
of learning and look at grace as most useful when it 
falls unto men with it, rather than without it, and 
wish with all their hearts the flourishing of all those 



242 SEPT. 17, 1656 

institutions of learning as much as any, yet I must 
say, it bath been nothing with them that have passed 
the best, with them or me. I think there hath been 
a conscience exercised, both by myself and the Minis- 
ters, towards them that have been approved ; I may 
say, such a one, as I truly believe was never known 
in England. And I do verily believe, that God hath 
for the Ministry a very great seed in the youth in the 
Universities ; and instead of studying books, [they] 
study their own hearts. I do believe, as God hath 
made a very great and flourishing seed to that pur- 
pose, so I believe [of] this Ministry of England, that, 
I think in my very conscience, that God will bless 
and favour, and hath blessed it to the gaining of very 
many souls. It was never so upon the thriving hand 
since England was, as it is this day. Therefore I say 
in these things, that tend to the profession of the 
Gospel and public Ministry, you will be so far from 
hindering, that you will further it ; and I shall be 
willing to join with you. 

I did hint to you my thoughts about the reforma- 
tion of manners ; and those abuses that are in this 
nation through disorder, is a thing that should be 
much in your hearts. It is that, that I am confident is 
a description and character of that interest you have 
been engaged against and pressing to, as any other, 
the badge and character of countenancing profane- 
ness, disorder, and wickedness in all places. In my 
conscience it was a shame to be a Christian within 
these fifteen, sixteen, or seventeen years in this nation, 



SEPT. 17, 1656 243 

either in Caesar's house or elsewhere ; it was a shame, 
it was a reproach to a man, and the badge of Puritan 
was put upon it, and whatever is next of kin to 
that [reproach], and most agrees with that which 
is Popery, and the profane nobility and gentry of 
this nation. We would keep up the nobility and 
gentry ; and the way to keep them up is, not to suffer 
them to be patronizers nor countenancers of de- 
bauchery or disorders ; and you will hereby be as 
labourers in the work. And a man may tell as 
plainly as can be, what becomes of us by our indif- 
ferency or lukewarmness, under I know not what 
weak pretensions, if it lives in us. Therefore I say, 
if it be in the general, it is a thing I am confident, 
that the liberty and profaneness of this nation 
depends upon reformation, to make it a shame 
to see men to be bold in sin and profaneness, and 
God will bless you. You will be a blessing to the 
nation, and by this be more repairers of breaches 
than anything in the world. Truly these things do 
respect the souls of men, and the spirits, which are 
the men. The mind is the man. If that be kept 
pure, a man signifies somewhat ; if not, I would very 
fain see what difference there is betwixt him and a 
beast. He hath only some activity to do some more 
mischief. 

There are some things which respect the estates of 
men, and there is one general grievance in the nation. 
It is, the Law. Not that the laws are grievance, but 
there are laws that are a grievance, and the great 

K 2 



244 SEPT. 17, 1656 

grievance lies in the execution and administration. 
I think I may say it, I have as eminent Judges in 
this land, as have been had, or that the nation has 
had for these many years. Truly to be particular 
I could be, as to the executive part, to administration, 
but that would trouble you. But the truth of it is, 
there are wicked abominable laws that will be in your 
power to alter. To hang a man for sixpence, thirteen 
pence, I know not what ; to hang for a trifle and pardon 
a murder, is in the ministration of the Law, through 
the ill framing of it. I have known in my experience 
abominable murders quitted ; and to come and see 
men lose their lives for petty matters ! This is a thing 
that God will reckon for, and I wish it may not lie 
upon this nation a day longer than you have an 
opportunity to give a remedy ; and I hope I shall 
cheerfully join with you in it. This hath been a great 
grief to many honest hearts and conscientious people, 
and I hope it is in all your hearts to rectify it. 

I have little more to say to you, being very weary, 
and I know you are so. Truly I did begin with that 
that I thought was to carry on this war, if you will 
carry it on, that we may join together in that vigor- 
ously. And I did promise an answer to an objection, 
But what will you prosecute it with? The State is 

hugely in debt. I believe it comes to . The 

treasure of the State is wasted. We shall not be 
an enemy to your inspection, but desire it, that you 
would inspect the Treasury, and how monies have 
been expended; and we are not afraid to look the 



SEPT. 17, 1656 245 

nation in the face upon this account. And therefore 
we will say negatively first, no man can say we 
have [mis-em] ployed the treasure of this nation and 
embezzled it to particular and private uses. 

It may be we have not, as the world terms it, been 
so fortunate in all our successes. Truly, if we have 
that mind, that God may not determine us in these 
things, I think we shall quarrel at that which God 
will answer; and we hope we are able, it may be 
weakly, I do not doubt, but to give an answer to God, 
and to give an answer to every man's conscience in 
the sight of God of the reason of things. But we 
shall tell you, that it hath been a piece of that arch- 
fire that hath been in this your time, where there are 
flames good store, fire enough, and it will be your 
wisdom and skill, and God's blessing upon you, to 
quench them both here and elsewhere. I say it again, 
the endeavours [that] have been by those that have 
been appointed, by those that have been Major- 
Generals, I can repeat [of] them with comfort that 
it hath been effectual for the preservation of your 
peace. It hath been more effectual towards the dis- 
countenancing of vice and settling religion, than 
anything done these fifty years. I will abide it, 
notwithstanding the envy and slander of foolish 
men, but I say that hath been a [justifiable] design. 
I confess I speak that to you with a little vehemency, 
but you had not had peace two months together 
[without it]. I profess I believe it as much as ever 
I did anything in the world, and how instrumental 



246 SEPT. 17, 1656 

they have been to your peace and for your preserva- 
tion by such means ; which we say was [more from] 
necessity, than from all instituted things in the world. 
If you would make laws against the things that God 
may dispose, to meet with everything that may happen, 
yea, make a law in the face of God, and you tell God 
you will meet with all his dispensations, and you will 
stay things whether he will or no. But if you make 
laws of good government, that men may know how 
to obey and do, for government, you may make laws 
that have frailty and weakness, aye, and good laws 
[that may be] observed. But if nothing should be 
done but what is according to law, the throat of the 
nation may be cut, till we send for some to make 
a law. Therefore certainly it is a pitiful, beastly 
notion, to think that though it be for ordinary 
government to live by law and rule, yet I think him 



yet to be clamoured at and bl ottered at, — when 
matters of necessity come, inviolably, then extra- 
ordinary remedies may not be applied. Who can be 
so pitiful a person ? I confess if necessity be pre- 
tended, there is so much the more sin by laying the 
irregularity of men's actions upon God, [as if it were 
he] who sent the necessity, who doth indeed send 
a necessity but to prevent the end. For as to an 
appeal to God, I own it conscientiously to God, and 
the principles of Nature dictate the thing, if there 

1 Written in margin ' blanks for a lynes.' 



SEPT. 17, 1656 247 

be a supposition, I say, of that which is not, every 
act at that time hath the more sin. This perhaps is 
rather to be disputed than otherwise, but I must say, 
I do not know one action, no, not one, but it hath 
been in order to the peace and safety of the nation. 
And the keeping of some in prison hath been upon 
such clear and just grounds, that no man can except 
against it. I know there are some imprisoned in the 
Isle of Wight, Cornwall, and elsewhere, and the cause 
of their imprisonment was, they were all found acting 
things that tended to the disturbance of the peace of 
the nation. Now these principles made us say to 
them, pray live quietly in your own counties, you 
shall not be urged with bonds or engagements, or to 
subscribe to the government. Yet they would not so 
much as say, we will promise to live peaceably. If 
others be imprisoned, it is because they have done 
such things ; and if other particulars strike, we know 
what to say, as having endeavoured to walk as those 
that would not only give an account to God, another 
Magistrate, but as to give an account to men. 

I confess I have digressed much [from my intention] 
to let you know that you would not be discouraged 
[in this war]. If you judge it truly necessary, that you 
cannot avoid it, I would not have you to be discouraged, 
if you think the State is exceeding poor. Give me 
leave to tell you, we have managed the Treasury not 
unthriftily, nor to private uses, but for the use of the 
nation and government, and shall give you this short 
account. When their Long Parliament sat, this nation 



248 SEPT. 17, 1656 

owed 700,000^. We examined it ; it was brought 
unto that. In that short meeting that was within 
half a year after the government came to our hands, 
I believe there was rather more, than less. They had 
I20,oooZ. a month ; they had the King's, Queen's, 
Prince's, Bishops' lands, all delinquents' estates, and 
the Dean and Chapters' lands, which was a very rich 
treasure. As soon as ever we came to the government, 
we abated 30,000^. the first half year, and 6o,oool. 
after. We had no benefit of those estates at all 
considerable, I do not think the fiftieth part of what 
they had, and give me leave to tell you, you are not 
so much in debt as we found you. We know it hath 
been maliciously dispersed, as if we had set the nation 
into 2,500,000^. debt ; but I tell you, you are not so 
much in debt by some thousands, I think I may say, 
by some hundreds of thousands. This is true that 
I tell you. We have honestly, it may be not so 
wisely as some others would have done, but with 
honest and plain hearts laboured and endeavoured 
the disposal of treasure to public uses, and laboured 
to pull off the common charge, as you see, 6o,oooZ. 
a month. And if we had continued that charge that 
was left upon the nation, perhaps we could have had 
as much money, as now we are in debt. These things 
being thus, I did think it my duty to give you this 
account, though it be wearisomeness to yourselves 
and me. 

Now if I had the tongue of an Angel, if I were so 
certainly inspired as the holy men of God have been, 



SEPT. 17, 1656 249 

I could rejoice for your sakes and for these nations' 
sakes, and for the sake of God, and of this cause that 
we have been engaged in, that I could move affections 
in you to that, which if you do it will save this 
nation. If not, you plunge it, in all human ap- 
pearance, and all interests, yea, and all the Protes- 
tants in the world, to irrecoverable ruin. Therefore 
I pray, aye, and beseech you in the name of Christ, 
shew yourselves to be men, quit yourselves like men. 
It doth not infer any reproach, if you do shew your- 
selves to be men, Christian men, which will only 
make you quit yourselves. I do not think that, to 
that work you have in hand, a neutral spirit will 
do it. It is a Laodicean spirit, and we know what 
God said of that Church; it was lukewarm, and 
therefore he would spew it out of his mouth. It is 
not a neutral spirit that is incumbent upon you ; 
and if not a neutral spirit, it is much less a stupefied 
[spirit], inclining you in the least disposition the 
wrong way. They are, in their private consciences, 
every day making shipwrack, and it is no wonder, 
if these can shake hands with men of reprobate 
interests ; such, give me leave to think, are the 
Popish interests, because the Apostle brands them 
so, having seared consciences, though I do not judge 
every man, but the ringleaders are such, the Scriptures 
foretold they should be such. It is not such a spirit 
will carry the work on. It is men that have works 
with faith, that know how to lay hold on Christ 
for remission of a Christian State, till a man be 



250 SEPT. 17. 1656 

brought to glory in hope. Such an hope kindled in 
men's spirits will act them to such ends as you are 
tending to, and so many as are partakers of this, and 
own your standings wherein the Providence of God 
hath set and called you to this work, will carry it on. 
If men through scruple be opposite, you cannot take 
them by the hand to carry them, because it were 
absurd ; for if a man be scrupling the plain truth 
before him, it is in vain to meddle with him. He 
hath placed another image of the business in his own 
mind ; and to say, " Oh ! if we could but exercise 
wisdom to gain civil liberty, religion would follow/' 
that's as common as can be in the world. Certainly 
there are such men, who are not maliciously blind ; 
[may be, it is that blindness] which God for some causes 
exercises. It cannot be expected that they should 
do anything these men, [without] they must demon- 
strate that they are in bonds. Could we have carried 
it hitherto, if we had disputed these things 1 I must 
confess, I reckon that difficulty more than all the 
wrestling with flesh and blood. Doubting, hesitating 
men, they are not fit for your work. You must 
not expect that men of hesitating spirits, under the 
bondage of scruples, will be able to carry on this 
work, much less such as are mere[ly] carnal, natural, 
and such as having an outward profession of God- 
liness, which the Apostle speaks of often, are the 
enemies of the cross of Christ, whose God is their 
belly, and whose glory is their shame, who mind 
earthly things. Do you think these men will rise 



SEPT. 17, 1656 251 

to such a spiritual heat for the nation, that shall 
carry you to such a thing as this, that will meet with 
all the oppositions that the Devil and wicked men 
can make ? Give me leave to tell you, those that 
are called to this work, it will not depend upon 
formalities, nor notions, nor speeches. I do not look 
the work should be done by these, but by men of 
honest hearts, engaged to God, strengthened by provi- 
dence, enlightened in his words to know his word ; 
to which he hath set his seal, sealed with the blood 
of his Son in the blood of his servants. It is such 
a spirit as will carry on this work. 

Therefore I beseech you, do not dispute of un- 
necessary or unprofitable things, that may divert you 
from the carrying on of so glorious a work as this 
is. I think every objection that ariseth, is not to 
be answered ; nor have I time for it. I say, look 
up to God ! Have peace amongst yourselves ! Know 
assuredly, that, if I have interest, I am by the voice 
of the people the Supreme Magistrate, and, it may 
be, know somewhat that may satisfy my conscience 
if I stood in doubt. But it is an union, really it 
is an union, between you and me, and both of us 
united in faith and love to Jesus Christ, and to his 
peculiar interest in the world, that must ground this 
work. And in that, if I have any peculiar interest 
that is personal to myself, that is not subservient 
to the public end, it were no extravagant thing for 
me to curse myself, because I know God will curse 
me, if I have. And I have learned too much of God, 



252 SEPT. 17, 1656 

not to dally with him and to be bold with him in 
these things ; and I never was, and I hope I never 
shall be, bold with him, though I can be bold with 
men, if Christ be pleased to assist. I say, if there 
be love between us, — that the nations may say, these 
are knit . together in one bond to promote the glory 
of God against the common enemy, to suppress every- 
thing that is evil, and encourage whatsoever is of 
godliness, — yea, the nation will bless you. And 
really, really, that and nothing else will work oft* 
these disaffections from the minds of men, which 
are as great, if not greater than all the oppositions 
you can meet with. I do know what I say. When 
I speak these things, I speak my heart before God; 
and as I said before, I dare not be bold before 
him. I have a little faith. I have a little lived by 
faith, and therein I may be bold. If I should not 
speak the affections and secrets of my heart, I know 
he would not bear it at my hands. Therefore in the 
fear and name of God, go on with love and integrity 
against whatsoever arises contrary to these ends, 
which you have known and been told of; and the 
blessing of God go with you. The blessing of God 
will go with you. 

I have but this one thing to say more. I know 
it is troublesome, but I did read a Psalm yesterday, 
which truly may not unbecome me both to tell you 
of, and you to observe. It is the eighty-fifth Psalm, 
that is very instructive and significant ; and though 
I do but a little touch upon it, I desire your perusal 



SEPT. 17, 1656 253 

at your pleasure. It begins, " Lord, thou hast been 
favourable to thy land : thou hast brought back the 
captivity of Jacob. Thou hast forgiven the iniquity 
of thy people, thou hast covered all their sins. Thou 
hast taken away all thy wrath, thou hast turned thy- 
self from the fierceness of thine anger. Turn us, God 
of our salvation, and cause thine anger towards us to 
cease. Wilt thou be angry with us for ever ? Wilt 
thou draw out thine anger to all generations? Wilt 
thou not revive us again, that thy people may rejoice 
in thee? " Then he calls upon God as the God of his 
salvation, and then saith he, " I will hear what the Lord 
will speak : for he will speak [peace] unto his people 
and to his saints : but let them not turn again to folly. 
Surely his salvation is nigh them that fear him, Oh, 
that glory may dwell in our land. Mercy and truth 
are met together : righteousness and peace have kissed 
each other. Truth shall spring out of the earth, and 
righteousness shall look down from heaven. Yea, the 
Lord shall give that which is good, and our land shall 
yield its increase. Righteousness shall go before him, 
and shall set us in the way of his steps." Truly I wish 
that this Psalm, as it is written in the book, might be 
better written in our hearts, that we may say as David, 
thou hast done this, and thou hast done that ; thou 
hast pardoned our sins, thou hast taken away our 
iniquities. Whither can we go to a better God, for 
he hath done it 1 It is to him any nation may come 
in their extremity for the taking away of his wrath. 
How did he do it ? By pardoning their sins and 



254 SEPT. 17, 1656 

taking away their iniquities. If we can but cry unto 
him, he will turn and take away our sins. Then let 
us listen to him, and then consult and meet in Parlia- 
ment, and ask him counsel, and hear what he saith, 
for he will speak peace to his people. If you be the 
people of God, and be for the people of God, he will 
speak peace, and we will not again return to folly, 
[as to] which [there] is a great deal of grudging in 
the nation, that we cannot have our horse-races, cock- 
fightings, and the like. I do not think these are 
unlawful, but to make them recreations, that they will 
not endure to be abridged of them, [is folly]. Till 
God hath brought us to this spirit, he will not bear 
with us. Aye, but he bears with them in France ; 
they are so and so. Have they the gospel as we 
have ? They have seen the sun but a little ; we have 
great lights. If God give you a spirit of reformation, 
you will preserve this nation from turning again to 
these fooleries. And what will the end be ? Comfort 
and blessing. Then mercy and truth shall meet to- 
gether. Here is a great deal of truth among professors, 
but very little mercy. They are ready to cut the 
throats of one another ; but when we are brought 
unto the right way, we shall be merciful as well as 
orthodox, and we know who it is that saith, that if 
a man could speak with the tongue of men and angels, 
and yet want that, he is but sounding brass and 
a tinkling cymbal. Therefore I beseech you in the 
name of God, set your hearts to this, and if you give 
your hearts to it, then you will sing Luther's Psalm. 



NOV. 27, 1656 255 

That is a rare Psalm for a Christian, and if he set his 
heart open and can approve it to God, we shall hear 
him say, "God is our refuge and strength, a very present 
help in trouble." If Pope, and Spaniard, and Devil, 
and all, set themselves against us, though they 'should 
compass us about like bees, as it is in the [hundred 
and] eighteenth Psalm, yet in the name of the Lord 
we should destroy them. And as it is in this Psalm 
of Luther's, "we will not fear though the earth be 
removed, and though the mountains be carried into 
the middle of the sea, though the waters thereof roar 
and be troubled, though the mountains shake with 
the swelling thereof. There is a river, the streams 
whereof shall make glad the city of God. God is in 
the midst of her, she shall not be moved." Then he 
repeats, two or three times, " The Lord of Hosts is 
with us, the God of Jacob is our refuge." 

I have done. All that I have to say, is to pray 
God, that he will bless you with his presence, and 
that he that hath your hearts and mine would shew 
his presence in the midst of us. I desire you will 
go together and choose your Speaker.' 

35. 

His Highness the Lord Protector's speech in the Painted 
Chamber to the Parliament there assembled, Nov. 27, 
1656. 

' Mr. Speaker, 

I had some doubt in myself whether I should 
have spoken or no at this time, but from something 



256 JAN. 23, 1657 

you delivered I think myself concerned to speak 
a little. 

Mr. Speaker, this is the first time we have met 
together, and it is with great joy of heart to me to 
meet you here. I do now receive a return from 
God in some measure of my prayers for you, and 
though you have sat but a little time, that you have 
made many good laws, the effects whereof the people 
of this Commonwealth will with comfort find here- 
after. Therefore, Mr. Speaker, you might have spared 
the excuse you made concerning your time, and as 
you have so well proceeded hitherto I doubt not but 
you will make a good progress. And I shall be 
always ready to assist you and join with you in any- 
thing for the being and well being of these nations, 
and continue my prayers for you.' 



36. 

Speech in answer to the congratulations of Parliament, 
Jan. 23, 165f 

'Mr. Speaker, 

I confess with much respect that you have put 
this trouble on yourselves upon this occasion ; but 
I perceive there be two things that fill me full of 
sense. One is, the mercy on a poor unworthy crea- 
ture ; the second is, this great, and as I said, unex- 
pected kindness of Parliament in manifesting such 
a sense thereof, as this is which you have now 
expressed : I speak not this with compliment. 



JAN. 23, 1657 257 

That that detracts from the thing in some sense is, 
the inconsiderableness and unworthiness of the person 
that hath been the object and subject of this deliver- 
ance, to wit, myself. I confess ingenuously to you. 
I do lie under the daily sense of my unworthiness 
and unprofitableness, as I have expressed to you. 
And if there be, as I must readily acknowledge there 
is, a mercy in it to me, I wish I may never reckon it 
on any other account than this, that the life that is 
lengthened may be spent and improved to His honour 
that hath vouchsafed the mercy, and to the service 
of you and those you [rejpresent. 

I do not know, nor did I think it would be very 
seasonable for me to say much to you upon this occa- 
sion, being a thing that ariseth from yourselves. Yet 
methinks the kindness you bear forth should kindle 
a little desire in me even at this present to make 
a short return. And as you have been disposed 
hither by the providence of God to congratulate my 
mercy, so give me leave in a very word or two to 
congratulate with you. Congratulations are ever 
conversant about good bestowed upon men, or pos- 
sessed by them. Truly I shall in a word or two 
congratulate you with good you are in possession of, 
and in some respect I also with you. 

God hath bestowed upon you, and you are in pos- 
session of it, three nations and all that appertains to 
them, which in either a geographical [or] x topical 
consideration are nations. In which also there are 

1 ' nor ' in text. 
S 



258 JAN. 23, 1657 

places of honour and consideration, not inferior to 
any in the known world. Without vanity it may 
be spoken, truly God hath not made so much soil, 
furnished with so many blessings, in vain. But it is 
a goodly sight, if a man behold it uno intuito, and 
therefore this is a possession of your[s] worthy con- 
gratulation. This is furnished give me leave to say, 
for I believe it is true, with the best people in the 
world possessing so much soil ; a people in civil 
rights, in respect of their rights and privileges, very 
ancient and honourable. And in this people, in the 
midst of this people, a people, I know every one will 
hear it, that are to God as the apple of his eye ; and 
he says so of them, be they many or be they few. 
But they are many, a people of the blessing of God, 
a people under his safety and protection ; a people 
calling upon the name of the Lord, which the heathen 
do not ; a people knowing God, and a people, accord- 
ing to the ordinary expressions, fearing God. And 
you have of this no parallel, no, not in all the world. 
You have in the midst of you glorious things, glori- 
ous things. For you have laws and statutes and 
ordinances, which, though not so all of them conform- 
able as were to be wished to the law of God, yet on 
all hands pretend not to be long rested in, further 
than as they are conformable to the just and righteous 
laws of God. Therefore I am persuaded there is a 
heart and spirit in every good man to wish they did 
all of them answer the pattern. I cannot doubt but 
that which is in the heart will in due time break 



JAN. 23, 1657 259 

forth. That endeavours will be that way, is another 
of your good things, with which in my heart you 
are worthily to be congratulated. And you have a 
magistracy that in outward profession, in pretence, in 
endeavour, doth desire to put life into these laws. 
And I am confident that among you will rest nothing, 
but a desire to promote every desire in others and 
every endeavour that hath tended or shall tend to 
the putting of these laws in execution. I do for 
this congratulate you. You have a gospel-ministry 
amongst you ; that have you. Such a one as with- 
out vanity I speak it, or without caring at all for 
any favour or respect from them, save what I have 
upon an account above flattery or good words, such 
an one as hath excelled itself, and I am persuaded, 
to speak with confidence before the Lord, is the most 
growing blessing, one of them, on the face of this 
nation. You have a good eye, and in that I will 
share with your favours, a good God, a God that 
hath watched over you and us. A God that hath 
visited these nations with a stretched out arm and 
bore his witness against the unrighteousness and un- 
godliness of men, against those that have abused such 
nations, such mercies throughout, as I have reckoned 
up to you. A God that hath not only withstood 
such to the face, but a God that hath abundantly 
blessed you with the evidences of his goodness and 
presence. And he hath done things wonderful 
amongst us by terrible things in righteousness, he 
has visited us by wonderful things; in mercy and 

s 2 



260 JAN. 23, 1657 

compassion hath he given us this day of freedom 
and liberty to speak this, one to another, and to 
speak of his mercies as he hath been pleased to put 
into our hearts. 

Truly, this word of conclusion. If this be so, give 
me leave to remember you but one word, which 
I offered to you with great love and affection the 
first day of meeting with you, this Parliament. It 
pleased God to put into my heart then to mention 
a Scripture to you, which would be a good conclusion 
of my speech now at this time to you. It was, that 
we being met to seek the good of so great an interest, 
as I have mentioned, and the glory of that God who 
is both yours and mine, how could we better do it 
than by thinking of such words as these, " His 
salvation is nigh them that fear him ; that glory may 
dwell in our land " ! I would not comment upon it. 
I hope I fear him, and let us more fear him. If this 
mercy at all doth concern you, as I see it doth, let me, 
and I hope you will with me, labour more to fear 
him than we have done, seeing such a blessing as his 
salvation is nigh them that fear him, seeing we are all 
of us the representatives of all the good of all these 
lands, that glory may dwell in our land. If this be 
so, mercy and truth shall meet together, righteous- 
ness and peace shall kiss each other. We shall 
know, you and I, as the father of this family, how 
to dispose our mercies to God's glory, how to dispose 
our severity, how to distinguish betwixt obedient 
and rebellious children, and not to do as Eli did, who 



FEB. 28, 1657 261 

told his sons he did not hear well of them, when per- 
haps he saw ill by them ; and we know the severity 
of that. And therefore let me say that, though I would 
not descant upon the words, mercy must be joined 
with truth, truth in that respect that we think it our 
duty to exercise a just severity, as well as to apply 
kindness and mercy. And truly, righteousness and 
peace must kiss each other. If we will have peace 
without a worm in it, lay we foundations of justice 
and righteousness. And if it shall please God so to 
move you. as that you marry this double couple 
together, mercy and truth, righteousness and peace, 
you will, if I may be free to say so, be blessed whether 
you will or no. 

And that you and I may, for the time the Lord 
shall continue us together, set our hearts upon this, [is 
that] which shall be my daily prayer ; and I heartily 
and humbly acknowledge my thankfulness to you.' 



37. 

' The humble Petition and Advice.' Speech to the Officers, 
concerning their address as to a Bill for Kingship, now 
before the House, Feb. 28, 165f . 

[Substance only.] 

'7 March, 1656. Passages between the Protector 
and the hundred officers of the army, touching King- 
ship. 

I suppose you have heard of the address made by 



262 FEB. 28, 1657 

one hundred officers to his Highness yesterday seven- 
night, that his Hierhness would not hearken to the 
title (King) because it was not pleasing to his army 
and was matter of scandal to the people of God, of 
great rejoicing to the enemy ; that it was hazardous 
to his own person and of great danger to the three 
nations ; such an assumption making way for Charles 
Stuart to come in again. 

His Highness returned answer presently to this 
effect, That the first man that told him of it was 
he, the mouth of the officers then present, (meaning 
Colonel Mills) ; that for his part he had never been 
at any cabal about the same, (hinting by that the 
frequent cabals that were against Kingship by certain 
officers). 

He said the time was when they boggled not at 
the word (King), for the Instrument by which the 
government now stands was presented to his High- 
ness with the title (King) in it, as some there present 
could witness, (pointing at a principal officer then in 
his eye,) and he refused to accept of the title. But 
how it comes to pass that they now startle at title, 
they best knew. That for his part he loved not the 
title, a feather in a hat, as little as they did. 

That they had made him their drudge upon all 
occasions. To dissolve the Long Parliament, who 
had contracted evil enough by long sitting. To call 
a Parliament, or Convention, of their naming ; who 
met, and what did they ? Fly at liberty and property, 
in so much as if one man had twelve cows, they held 



FEB. 28, 1657 263 

another that wanted cows ought to take a share with 
his neighbour. Who could have said anything was 
their own, if they had gone on? After their disso- 
lution, how was I pressed by you (said he) for the 
rooting out of the ministry, nay rather than fail, to 
starve them out! 

A Parliament was afterwards called ; they sat five 
months ; it's true we hardly heard of them in all that 
time. They took the Instrument into debate, and 
they must needs be dissolved ; and yet stood not the 
Instrument in need of mending? Was not the case 
hard with me, to be put upon to swear to that which 
was so hard to be kept 1 

Some time after that, you thought it was necessary 
to have Major-Generals, and the first rise to that 
motion then was the late general insurrections, and 
was justifiable, and your Major- Generals did your 
parts well ; you might have gone on. Who bid you 
go to the House with a Bill and there receive a foil 1 

After you had exercised this power a while, 
impatient were you till a Parliament was called. 
I gave my vote against it, but you [were] confident 
by your own strength and interest to get men chosen 
to your hearts and desires. How you have failed 
therein and how much the 1 country hath been dis- 
obliged is well known. 

That it is time to come to a settlement, and lay 
aside arbitrary proceedings so unacceptable to the 
nation. And by the proceedings of this Parliament 

1 'the' repeated in text. 



264 MARCH 31, 1657 

you see they stand in need of a check or balancing 
power, (meaning the House of Lords, or a house 
so constituted) for the case of James Nay lor might 
happen to be your own case. By their judicial power 
they fall upon life and member, and doth the Instru- 
ment in being enable me to control it? 

These were some of the heads insisted on in his 
speech, though perhaps not the same words yet the 
full sense, and the officers since that time are quieted 
and many fallen from the rest. Three Major- Gene- 
rals are come about for a second House and a suc- 
cessor . . . &c.' 



38. 

' The humble Petition and Advice.' Speech to the House 
of Commons on their presenting the Bill, Whitehall, 
Tuesday, March 31, 1657. 

1 Mr. Speaker, 

This frame of government, that it hath pleased 
the Parliament by your hand to offer to me, truly 
I should have a very brazen forehead if it should 
not beget in me a great deal of consternation of 
spirit, it being [of] * so high and great importance, 
as by your opening of it, and by the reading of it, 
is manifest to all men to be. The welfare, the peace 
and settlement of three nations, and all that rich 2 
treasure of the best people in the world being involved 

1 Clarke MS. * it being of the great and high importance.' 

2 Ibid, 'right' 



MARCH 31, 1657 265 

therein, I say, this consideration alone ought to beget 
in me the greatest reverence and fear of God, that 
ever possessed a man in this world. 

I rather truly study 1 to say no more at this time 
than is necessary to give a brief and short answer, 
suitable to the nature of the thing. The thing is 
of weight, the greatest weight of anything that was 
ever laid before a man. And therefore it bein£ of 
that weight, and consisting of so many parts as 
it doth, — in each of which much more than my life 
is concerned, — truly I think I have no more to desire 
of you at this time, but that you will 2 give me time 
to deliberate and consider what particular answer 
I may 3 return to so great a business as this is. 

I have lived the latter part of my life 4 in, if I may 
say so, the fire, in the midst of trouble. And all 
things, all the things that hath befallen me since 
I was first engaged in the affairs of this Common- 
wealth, truly if they could 5 be supposed 6 to be 
brought into a narrow compass that 7 I could take 
a view of them at once, I do not think they would, 
nor do I think they ought to, move my heart and 
spirit with [that] 8 fear and reverence of God that 
becomes a Christian, as this thing that hath been now 
offered by you to me. And truly my comfort in all 
my life hath been, that the burdens that have lain 

1 Clarke MS. l and rather to study.' 

* Ibid. l would.' 3 ' may ' written twice in text. 
4 ' age,' ' troubles,'' Lansdowne MS. 5 * should,' Ibid. 

• Clarke MS. ' if it could be supposed they shoidd be.' 

7 Ibid. ' if.' 8 Lansdoicne MS. 



266 MARCH 31, 1657 

heavy upon me, they have been laid upon me by the 
hand of God. And I have not known, and [have] 
been many times at a loss, which way to stand under 
the weight of what hath lain 1 upon me, but by 
looking at the conduct 2 and pleasure of God in it, 
which hitherto I have found to be a good pleasure 
towards me. And should I give any resolution in 
this suddenly 3 , without seeking to have an answer 
put into my heart, and so into my mouth, by him 
that hath been my God and my guide hitherto, it 
would give you very little cause of comfort in such 
a choice, as you have made in such a business as this 
is. Because, it would [savour] 4 more to be of the 
flesh, to proceed from lust, to arise from arguments 
of self 5 ; and if, whatsoever the issue of this business 
be 6 , it should have such motives in me, and such 
a rise in me, it may prove even a curse to you and 
to these three nations, which 7 I verily believe have 
intended well in this business, and have had those 
honest and sincere aims at 8 the glory of God, the 
good of his people, [and] the rights of the nation. 
I verily believe these have been your aims, and God 
forbid that so good aims should suffer by any 
dishonesty or indirectness on my part. For although 
in the affairs that are in the world things may be 

1 Clarke MS. i he laid on me? 2 Ibid. ' candour? 

3 Ibid. ' any resolution in anything suddenly? 

4 LansdowneMS. 5 Clarke MS. 'self-love.' 

6 Ibid. l this business shall be, if it should have such motives rising in me, 
it might prove? 

7 ' who? Lansdoicne MS. 8 Clarke MS. 'to? 



MARCH 31, 1657 267 

intended well, — as they are always, or for the most 
part, by such as love God and fear God and make 
him their aim l ; and [such] 2 honest ends and pur- 
poses as these are I believe yours 3 [to be], — yet if 
these considerations fall upon a person or persons 
that God takes no pleasure in, that perhaps may be 
at the end of this 4 work, that to please any of those 
humours or considerations that are of this world shall 
run upon such a rock 5 as this is without due con- 
sideration, without integrity, without sincerity, with- 
out approving the heart to God, and seeking an 
answer from him, and putting things as for life and 
death to him, that such an answer may be received 
as may be a blessing to the person to be used to 
answer these noble and worthy and honest intentions 
of those that have prepared and perfected this work, it 
would be like a match, where a good and worthy and 
virtuous man mistakes in the person that he makes 
love to, and, as it often proves 6 , [she] prove a curse 
to the man and to the family through mistake. And 
lest 7 this should be so to you, and to these nations, 
whose good I cannot be persuaded but you have in 
your thoughts aimed at, why then it had been better, 
I am sure of it, that I had never been born. 

I have therefore but this one word to say to you, 

1 Clarke MS. l aims ' in text. 2 Lansdowne MS. ' so ' in text. 

3 Clarke MS. ' and such honest ends as these are that you have proposed.' 

4 Ibid. ' their ' ; Lansdowne MS. l his. 1 

5 Clarke MS. ' work ' ; Lansdowne MS. * rock.'' 

6 Clarke MS. ' mistaken . . . , it after prove a very great curse* 

7 Ibid. < if. y 



268 APRIL 3, 1657 

that seeing you have made [this] * progress in this 
business, and completed the work on your part, I may 
have some short time to ask counsel of God and of 
my own heart. And I hope that neither the humour 
of any weak or unwise people, nor yet the desires of 
any that may have lusting after things that are not 
good, shall steer 2 me to give other than such an 
answer as may be ingenuous and thankful, thankfully 
acknowledging your care and integrity, and such an 
answer as shall be for the good of those, that I pre- 
sume you and I serve, and are ready 3 to serve. And 
truly I may say this also, that as the thing will 
deserve deliberation, the utmost deliberation and con- 
sideration on my part, so I shall think myself bound 
to give as speedy an answer to these things as I can.' 



39. 

'The humble Petition and Advice.' Speech to Lord 
Whitelocke and the Committee, appointed to attend his 
Highness, Whitehall, Friday, April 3, 1657. 

1 My Lord, 

This paper in my hand is a copy of the Petition 
and Advice, which it pleased the Parliament to present 
unto me in the Banqueting-House on Tuesday last. 

I am very heartily sorry that I did not make this 

1 Lansdowne MS. 

2 Clarke MS. i alter me from giving' ; Lansdowne MS. i steer.* 

3 Lansdowne MS. l made.' 



APRIL 3, 1657 269 

desire of mine known l before this time, which was 
it 2 I acquainted them with by letter this day. The 
reason was, because some infirmity of body had seized 
upon me before these two last days of yesterday and 
Wednesday. 

I have as well as I could taken consideration of the 
things contained in it 3 , and sought of God that I might 
return such an answer as might become me and be 
worthy of the Parliament. 

I must needs bear testimony 4 for you, that you 
have been zealous of the two greatest concernments 
that God has in the world. [The] 5 one [is that] 5 
of religion and the preservation of the professors 
thereof, to give them all due and just liberty, and to 
assert the truths of God, which you have done in part 
in this paper, and referred to be done more fully 
by yourselves and me [hereafter] 5 . And as to the 
liberties of professors 6 , though under various forms, 
you have done that which never was done before, and 
I pray God it may not fall upon the people of God, 
or any sort of them, as a fault 7 if they do not put 
such a value upon it 8 , as being such a thing as was 

1 ' known, to the Parliament,' Clarke MS. 2 \ that,' Ibid. 

3 c in the paper which was presented to me by the Parliament in the 
Banqueting -House upon Tuesday last,'' Ibid. Perhaps inserted by the 
writer. 

* ' this testimony,' Ibid. 5 Ibid. 

6 l men professing godliness under variety of forms amongst us,' 
Ibid. 

7 ' as a fault in them or any of them,' Ibid. 

8 ' upon what is done as never was put upon anything since Christ time for 
such a Catholic interest for the people of God/ Ibid. 



270 APRIL 3, 1657 

never since Christ's time for such a Catholic interest 
of the people of God. 

The other thing [cared for is] 1 the civil liberties 
[and interests] 1 of the nations, which although it be, 
and indeed ought to be subordinate to that of the 
people of God 2 , yet it is the next best God hath given 
men in the world, and better than any words, if well 
[cared for,] to fence the people of God in their interest. 
And if any [one whatsoever] 1 think that the interest 
of God's people and the civil interest 3 are incon- 
sistent, I wish my soul may not enter into his or 
their secret. 

These are things, I must acknowledge, Christian 
and honourable, and are provided for by you, both 
like Christians, men of honour, and Englishmen : and 
to this I must and shall bear my testimony, while 
I live, against all gainsayers whatsoever. And upon 
these two interests I shall, if God account me worthy, 
live and die. And I must say, that if I were to give 
an account before a greater tribunal than any that's 
earthly, [and if I were asked] 1 why I engaged [all 
along] x in the late wars, I could give no account but 
it would be wicked, if it did not comprehend these 
two ends. 

Only you will give me leave to say, and to say 
it seriously, the issue will prove it so, that you have 
one or two considerations that do stick with me. The 



1 Clarke MS. 

2 l to a more peculiar interest of God,'' Ibid. 

3 i. e. ' the interest of the nation and the interest of the people of God.' 



APRIL 3, 1657 271 

one is that you have named me by another title than 
that I now bear ; you do necessitate my answer to be 
categorical, and you leave me without a liberty of 
choice save as to all. 

I question not your wisdom in doing of it, but 
think myself obliged to acquiesce in your determina- 
tions. Knowing you are men of wisdom, and con- 
sidering the trust you are under, it is a duty not to 
question the reasons of anything you have done. 
I should be very brutish should I not acknowledge 
the exceeding high honour and respect you have had 
for me in this paper. Truly, according to what the 
world calls good, — it has all good in it according to 
worldly apprehension, [to wit,] sovereign power, — you 
have testified your value and affection as to my person 
as high as you could ; for more you could not do. 
I shall always keep a grateful memory of this 1 in 
my heart, and by you I give the Parliament this 
my grateful acknowledgement. Whatever other men's 
thoughts may be, I shall not know 2 ingratitude. 

But I must needs say that that may be fit for you 
to do, which may not be fit for me to undertake. As 
I should reckon it a very great presumption should 
I ask you the reason of your doing any one thing 
in this paper, — except very few things the Instrument 
bears testimony to itself, — so you will not take it 
unkindly if I ask you this addition of the Parlia- 
ment's favour, love and indulgence unto me, [that] 3 it 

1 ' that,' Clarke MS. 2 ' own,' Ibid. 

3 ' if it be taken ' in text; ' towards me, that it be taken,' Ibid. 



272 APRIL 3, 1657 

be taken in tender part if I give such an answer, as 
I find in my heart to give [in this business] *, without 
urging many reasons for it, save such as are most 
obvious and most for my advantage and purpose in 
answering, to wit, that I am unable for such a trust 
and charge. And if the answer of the tongue as well 
as the preparation of the heart be from God, I must 
say my heart and thoughts, ever since I heard the 
Parliament were upon this business, — though I could 
[not take] * notice of your proceedings [therein] l 
without breach of your privileges, yet as a common 
person I confess I heard of it, as in common with 
others, — I must say I have been unable to attain no 
further than this, that seeing the way is hedged up 
as it is to me, (I cannot accept the things offered 
unless I accept all,) I have not been able to find it 
my duty to God and [to] 1 you to undertake this 
charge under that title. The most I said in commen- 
dation of this Instrument may be returned upon me 
thus, Are there such good things so well provided 
for, why cannot you accept them without such an 
ingredient 2 ? Nothing must make a man's conscience 
his servant, and really and sincerely it is my con- 
science that guides me to this answer. And if Par- 
liament be so resolved [to necessitate my answer to 
be categorical] it will not be fit for me to use any 
inducements by you to alter their resolutions. 

1 Clarke MS. 

2 ' Why cannot you accept them ; because of such an ingredient ? ' MS. 
Adds. Ayscough, 6125. See Notes. 



APRIL 8, 1657 273 

This is all I have to say. I desire it may be, and 
I do not doubt but it will be, with candour and 
ingenuity represented to them by you.' 



40. 

' The humble Petition and Advice.' Speech to the House 
of Commons in the Banqueting-House, Wednesday, 
April 8, 1657. 

'Mr. Speaker, 

No man can put a greater value than I hope 
I do, and shall do, upon the desires and advices of the 
Parliament. I could in my [own] 1 heart aggravate 
both concerning the persons advising, and concerning 
the advice, readily acknowledging that it is the advice 
of the Parliament 2 of these three nations. And if a 
man could suppose it were not a Parliament to some, 
yet doubtless it should be so to me, and to us all that 
are engaged in this common cause, wherein we have 
been engaged. I say, surely it ought to be a Parlia- 
ment to us, because it arises [as] 1 a result of those 
issues and determination of settlement that we have 
laboured to arrive at : and therefore I do most readily 
acknowledge the Authority advising these things. 

I can aggravate also to myself the general [notion 
of the things] 3 advised to, as being things tending to 
the settlement of the chiefest things [that] 4 can fall 

1 Shane MS. 2 ' of the Parliament ' repeated in Shane MS. 

3 Public Intelligencer and Sloane MS. ; l notions of the thing ' in text. 

4 Ibid. : ' as' in text. 



274 APRIL 8, 1657 

into the hearts of men to desire or to endeavour after : 
and [this] 1 at such a time when truly I may think the 
nation is big with expectation of anything that may 
add to their better being. I therefore must needs put 
a very high [esteem upon] 1 , and have a very reverent 
opinion of anything that comes from you: and so 
I have had of this Instrument, and, I hope, [so] 2 
I have [already] l expressed [myself] 1 . And what I 
have expressed hath been, if I flatter not myself, from 
a very honest heart towards the Parliament and the 
public. I say not these things to compliment you, 
for we are past all those things, all considerations of 
that kind. We must all be very real now, if ever we 
will be so. 

Howbeit, your title and name you give to this 
paper makes me to think you intended advice, and 
I should transgress against all reason should I make 
any other construction than [that] you did intend 
advice. I would not lay [a] burden on my 3 beast, but 
I would consider his strength to bear it : and if you 
will lay a burden upon a man that is conscious to his 
own infirmities and disabilities, and doth make some 
measure of counsel that may seem to come from 
heaven, — counsel in the word of God, who leaves a 
room for charity, and for men to consider their own 
strength, — I hope it will be no evil [in me] 4 to 
measure your advice and mine own infirmity to- 
gether. And truly those will have some influence 

1 Public Intelligencer. 2 Shane MS. ; ' as' in text. 

3 MS. Axjscough ' any.'' * Ibid. 



APRIL 8, 1657 275 

[upon] * conscience, conscience in him that [hath] 
received 2 talents to know how he may answer the 
trust of them : and such a conscience have I had, and 
still have. And therefore when I thought I had an 
opportunity to make answer, I made that answer ; 
and am a person, and have been, before and then and 
since, lifting up my heart to God, to know what 
might be my duty at such a time as this, and upon 
such [an occasion] 3 and trial as this was to me. 

Truly, Mr. Speaker, it has been heretofore a matter 
of, I think, but philosophical discourse, that a great 
place, great authority, is a great burden. I know it 
is 4 , and I know a man that is convinced in his 
conscience, that nothing less will enable him to the 
discharge of it than to have assistance from above ; 
that it may very well require [him], in such a subject 
so convinced and so persuaded, to be right with the 
Lord in such undertakings. And therefore to speak 
very clearly and plainly to you, I had, and I have, 
hesitation 5 as to that individual thing. If [I under- 
take] 6 anything not in faith, I shall serve you in mine 
own unbelief, and I shall then be the unprofltablest 
servant that ever a people or nation had. 

Give me leave therefore to ask counsel. I am 
ready to render a reason of my apprehension, which 

1 Sloane MS. 2 Ibid. * that receives.' 

3 Ibid. ; ' occasions ' in text. 

4 Sloane MS. reads l I think but of a philosophical discourse, that great 
places, great place, that great authority, it is a great burden, I know it is so.' 

5 Ibid. ' my hesitations' 

6 Ibid. ; l if undertaken' in text. 

T 2 



276 APRIL 8, 1657 

happily may be overswayed by better apprehension. 
I think so far I have deserved no blame, nor do I take 
it that you lay any upon me, only you mind me of 
the duty that is incumbent upon me. Truly the same 
answer that I have as to this point of duty one way, 
the same consideration have I as to duty [another 
way] 1 . I would not urge to you the point of liberty 
[surely you have provided for liberty] 2 . I have borne 
my witness to it, civil and spiritual ; the greatest pro- 
vision that ever was made have you made, and I know 
you do not intend to exclude me. The liberty I ask 
is to [vent] 3 my own doubts, and mine own fears and 
mine own scruples, though happily, in such cases as 
these are, the Word hath provided 4 that a man's con- 
science ought to know no scruples. Surely mine doth, 
and I dare not dissemble : and therefore they that are 
knowing in the ground of their own actions will be 
best able to measure advice to others. 

There are many things in this government besides 
that one of the name and title, that [deserve] 5 very 
much information [as] 6 to my judgement. It is 
you, and none but you, that can capacitate me to 
receive satisfaction in them. Otherwise, I say truly, 
I must say that I am not persuaded to the performance 
of my trust and duty, nor informed, and so not 
[actuated] 7 as I know you intend I should [be] 8 , and 

1 Sloane MS. 2 Ibid. 

3 Public Intelligencer ; ' veal ' ? in text ; Sloane MS. l vent.'' 

4 Public Intelligencer reads ' the world haih judged,' so does Sloane MS. 

5 ' deserves ' in text. 6 Public Intelligencer and Sloane MS. 
7 ' acted ' in text. 8 Public Intelligencer. 



APRIL 11, 1657 277 

every man in the nation should [be] \ — and you have 
provided for them, — as a free man, as a man that doth 
possibly, rationally, and conscientiously. And there- 
fore I cannot tell what other return to make to you 
than this. I am ready to give you a reason if you 
will, I say, capacitate me to give it, [and] 2 yourselves 
to receive it, and [to do that] 3 in the other things, 
that may inform me a little more particularly than 
this Vote, that you have expressed yesterday, and 
hath been now read by you to me. 

And truly I hope when I understand the ground of 
these things, the whole neither being for your good 
nor mine, but for the good of the nations, there will be 
no doubt but we may [even] 4 in these particulars find 
out those things that may answer our duty, mine and 
all our duties, to those nations whom we serve. 

And this is that, that I do, with a great deal of 
affection and honour, and respect, offer now to you/ 



41. 

The humble Petition and Advice.' Speeches to the 
Committee, Saturday, April 11, 1657. 

Lord Whiteloche. ' I only understand, that by order 
of the Parliament, this Committee are tied up to re- 
ceive what your Highness shall be pleased to offer, as 
to your doubts or scruples upon this paper : the very 
words of the Order are, That the Committee have power to 

1 Public Intelligencer. 2 Ibid. ; * to ' in text. 

8 Ibid. ; i and as in the other things ' in text. 
4 Public Intelligencer and Sloane MS. 



278 APRIL 11, 1657 

attend your Highness, to receive from your Highness your 
doubts and scruples, touching any the particulars contained 
in the humble Petition and Advice, formerly presented ; and in 
answer thereunto, to offer to your Highness reasons for your 
satisfaction, and for the maintenance of the Resolutions of the 
House ; and such particidars as we cannot satisfy your High- 
ness in, that ive may report the same to the Parliament what 
particulars your Highness shall think fit to object. Your 
Highness is pleased to mention the government, as it now 
is, and [it] seems to some of our apprehensions as if your 
Highness did make that an objection, If the government be 
well, why do you change it ? If that be intended by your 
Highness as an objection in the general, I suppose the 
Committee will give you satisfaction.' 

Lord Protector. ' Sir, I think that neither you nor 
I, but meet with a very good heart to come to some 
issue of this great business. And truly that is, that 
I cannot assure you I have all the reason and argument 
in the world to move me to it, and am exceeding ready 
to be ordered by you in the way of proceeding. Only 
I confess, according to those thoughts I have, as I have 
answered my own thoughts in preparing for such 
a work as this is, I have made this notion of it to 
myself, that having met you twice, — at the Com- 
mittee first, and returned you that answer that I gave 
you then, and the House a second time, — I do per- 
ceive that the favour and the indulgence that the 
House shews me in this, is, that I might receive satis- 
faction. I know they might have been positive in 
the thing, and said they had done enough. If they 
had only made such an address to me, they might have 
insisted upon it, only to offer it. Yet I could plainly 



APRIL 11, 1657 279 

see it was my satisfaction they aimed at. I think 
really and sincerely it is my satisfaction they intend, 
and truly I think there is one clause in the Paper 
that doth a little warrant that, ' to offer such reasons 
for his satisfaction, and for the maintenance of the 
Kesolutions of the House.' 

Now Sir, it is true the occasion of all this is the 
answer that I made. That occasions a Committee to 
come hither in order to my satisfaction. And truly, 
Sir, I doubt, — if you will draw out those reasons 
from me, I will offer them to you, — but I doubt on 
my own part if you should proceed that way. It 
would put me a little out of the method of my own 
thoughts ; and it being mutual satisfaction that is 
endeavoured, if you will do me the favour, it will 
more agree with my method. I shall take it as 
a favour, [and] if it please you, I will leave you to 
consider together you own thoughts of it. 

Lord Whitelocke. * The Committee that are commanded 
by the Parliament, and are here present to wait upon your 
Highness, I do suppose cannot undertake to give the Reasons 
• of the Parliament, for that they have done ; but any 
Gentleman here can give his own particular apprehension 
for your Highness' satisfaction ; and if you will be pleased 
to go in the way which you have propounded, and either in 
general or in particular to require a satisfaction from the . 
Committee, I suppose we shall be ready to do the best we 
can to give you satisfaction.' 

Lord Protector. I think if this be so, then I sup- 
pose nothing can be said by you, but what the Parlia- 
ment hath dictated to you, and I think that is clearly 



280 APRIL 11, 1657 

expressed, that the Parliament intends satisfaction : 
then is it as clear, that there must be reasons and 
arguments, that have light and conviction in them, in 
order to satisfaction. 

I speak for myself in this, I hope you will think it 
[not] 1 otherwise. I say it doth appear so to me, 
that you have the liberty of your own reasons. I 
think if I should write any of them 2 , 1 cannot call this 
the "reason" of the Parliament. The Parliament in 
determinations and conclusions, by Votes of the several 
particulars of the government, that reason is dilated 
and diffused, and every man hath a share of it. And 
therefore when they have determined such a thing, cer- 
tainly it was reason that led them up into it ; and if 
you shall be pleased to make me partaker of some of 
that reason, I do very respectfully represent to you, 
that I have a general dissatisfaction at the thing. 
And I do desire that I may be informed in the 
grounds that lead you, whom I presume are all satis- 
fied persons to the thing and every part of it. And 
if you will be pleased to think so fit, I will not farther 
urge it upon you. To proceed that way, it will be 
a favour to me, otherwise, I shall deal plainly with 
you, it doth put me out of the method of my own 
conceptions ; and then I shall beg that I may have 
an hour's deliberation, and that we might meet again 
in the afternoon. 

Lord Chief Justice. ' The Parliament sent us to wait 
upon your Highness, to give your Highness any satisfaction 

1 'no' in text. 2 i. e. have to assign definite objections in writing. 



APRIL 11, 1657 281 

that is in our understandings to give. The whole paper 
consists of many heads, and if your Highness intend satis- 
faction, the propositions being general, we can give but 
general satisfaction, and therein we are ready. If that be 
your Highness 1 meaning, I think we shall be ready to give 
satisfaction as far as our understandings.' 

Lord Protector. If you will please to give me 
leave, I do agree. Truly the thing is general as it is ; 
either falling under the notion of settlement, that is 
a general that consists of many particulars, and truly 
if you call it by that it is tituled, there it is general, 
it is advice, desires and advice. And that, the truth 
is, that I have made my objection in, is but to one 
thing as yet ; only the last time I had the honour to 
meet the Parliament, I did offer to them that they 
would put me into a condition to receive satisfaction 
[as] to [all] the particulars. No question, I might 
easily offer something particular for debate, if I 
thought that that would answer the end ; for truly 
I know my end and yours is the same, that is, to 
bring things to an issue one way or other, that we 
may know where we are, that we may attain that 
general end, and that is settlement. The end is in us 
both, and I durst contend with any one person in the 
world, that it is not more in his heart than in mine. 
I could go to some particulars to ask a question, or ask 
a reason of the alteration, which would well enough 
let you into the business, that it might ; yet I say, it 
doth not answer me. I confess I did not so strictly 
examine that Order of Reference, or whether I read 
it or no I cannot tell you. If you will have it that 



282 APRIL 11, 1657 

way, I shall, as well as I can, make such an objection 
as may occasion some answer to it, [and] though 
perhaps I shall object weak enough, I shall very freely 
submit [it] to you. 

Lord Chief Justice. ' The Parliament hath commanded 
us for that end, to give your Highness satisfaction.' 

Lord Commissioner Fines. ' May it please your Highness, 
looking upon the Order, I find that we are empowered to 
offer any reasons that we think fit, either for the satisfac- 
tion of your Highness, or maintenance of what the Parlia- 
ment hath given you their advice in ; and I think we are 
rather to offer to your Highness the Reasons of the Par- 
liament, if your Highness' dissatisfaction be to the altera- 
tion of the government in general, or in particular. 1 

Lord Protector. I am very ready to say I have no 
dissatisfaction that it hath pleased the Parliament to 
find out a way, though of alteration, to bring these 
nations into a good settlement ; and perhaps you may 
have judged the settlement we were in, was not so 
much for the great end of government, the liberty 
and good of the nations, and the preservation of all 
those honest interests that have been engaged in this 
cause. I say I have no objection to the general, that 
the Parliament hath thought fit to take consideraticn 
of a new settlement or government. But you having 
done it as you have, and made me so far interested 
in [the business] as to make such an overture to 
me, I shall be very glad, if you so please to let me 
know it, that besides the pleasure of Parliament [I] 
may be [told] somewhat of the reason of Parliament 
for interesting me in this thing and for making the 



APRIL 11, 1657 283 

alteration such as it is. Truly I think I shall as to 
the other particulars [follow] l this [method of pro- 
cedure]. I shall be very ready to assign particular 
objections to clear that to you, that [it] may be either 
better to clear, or to help me at least to a clearer 
understanding of the things for better good, — for that 
I know is in your hearts as well as mine, — though 
I cannot presume that I have anything to offer 
you that may convince you. But if you will take 
[it] in good part, I shall offer somewhat to every 
particular. 

If you please. As to the first of the thing, I am 
clear as to the ground of the thing, being so put to 
me as it hath been put. I think that some of the 
grounds upon which it is done will very well lead 
into such objections or doubts as I may offer, and 
will be a very great help to me in it, and if you will 
have me [discuss] this, or that, or the other doubt 
that may arise methodically, I shall do it. 

Lord Whitelocke, in giving the reason for the alteration 
of the present settlement, says ' that it will not be so clear 
a settlement and foundation for the preservation of the 
Rights and Liberties of the Nation, as if we came to a 
settlement by the Supreme Legislative power ; upon that 
ground it was taken into consideration, . . .' 

Referring to the alteration of title, he remarks, • it was 
thought that the title which is known by the Law of 
England for many ages, many hundreds of years together 
received, and the Law fitted to it, and that to the Law, 
that it might be of more certainty and clear establishment, 
and more conformable to the laws of the nation, that 

1 ' swallow ' in text. 



284 APRIL 11, 1657 

that title should be that of King, rather than that other of 
Protector. 

The Master of the Rolls thought his Highness mistaken 
in thinking it a mere difference of name, ' as if it were 
a bare title . . . for upon due consideration you shall find 
that the whole body of the Law is carried upon this 
wheel . . .' i. e. Kingship. The title of Protector was based 
on the Instrument only, and ' it hath no limit at all ' ; 
there was a great prejudice against change of names, 
witness the failure of the King to call himself King of 
Great Britain instead of King of England, and the unwil- 
lingness of Parliament to be called ' The Representative of 
the People.' The Parliament having voted to restore the 
title of King, ' this is vox populi,' and he hoped his High- 
ness would agree to it. 

Lord Protector. I cannot deny but the things that 
have been spoken have been spoken with a great deal 
of weight. And it is not fit for me to ask any of you, 
if you have a mind to speak further of this ! But if 
it had been so [your] 1 pleasure, truly then I think it 
would have put me in, according to the method and 
way I have conceived to myself, to the more pre- 
paredness to have returned some answer. And if it 
had not been to you a trouble, I am sure the business 
requires it from any man in the world if he were, in 
any case much more from me, to make serious and 
true answers. I mean such as are not feigned in 
my own thoughts, but such wherein I express the 
truth and honesty of my heart : I mean that by 
true answers. 

I did hope that when I had heard you, so far as it 
is your pleasure to speak to this head, I should have 

1 ' their ' in text. 



APRIL 11, 1657 285 

then, taking some short notice as I did, have been in 
a condition this afternoon, if it had not been a trouble 
to you, to have returned my answer upon a little 
advisement with myself. But seeing you have not 
thought it convenient to proceed this way, truly 
I think I may well say that I had need have a little 
thoughts of the thing to return an answer to it, lest 
your debates should end on my part with a very 
vain discourse and with lightness, which it is very 
like to do. I say therefore, if you think to proceed 
further to speak to these things, I should have made 
my own short animadversions on the whole this after- 
noon, and made some short reply, and this would have 
ushered me in, not only to have given the best answer 
I could, but to have made my own objections. 

The Lord Chief Justice then spoke, ' since it is your 
Highness' pleasure, that it should be spoken now altogether, 
by those that have anything to say.' It was proposed to 
set up Kingship, because it was approved of by the word 
of God, ancient, and well known to the Law ; whereas the 
other title was not upon a sure establishment. ' If so be 
your Highness should do any act, and one should come and 
say, My Lord Protector, why are you sworn to govern by the 
Law, and you do thus and thus, as you are Lord Protector ? 
Do I ? Why, how am I bound to do ? Why, the King 
could not have done so ! Why, but I am not King, I am not 
bound to do as the King, I am Lord Protector ; shew me 
that the Law doth require me to do it as Protector; if 
I have not acted as Protector, shew me where the Law is ! 
Why you put any one to a stumble in that case, . . .' Sir 
Charles Wolseley repeated the argument, ' that the Law 
knows not a Protector ' ; ' this nation hath ever been 
a lover of Monarchy, and of Monarchy under the title of 



286 APRIL 11, 1657 

King ' ; ' your Highness hath been pleased to call yourself, 
as when you speak to the Parliament, a servant ; you are so 
indeed to the people, and 'tis your greatest honour so to 
be. I hope then, Sir, you will give the people leave to 
name their own servant; that is a due you cannot, you 
will not certainly deny them.' Lord Commissioner Fines, 
Lord Commissioner Lisle, and Lord Broghill made similar 
speeches. 

Lord Protector. I have very little to say to you 
at this time. I confess I shall never be willing to 
deny or defer those things that come from the Parlia- 
ment to the supreme Magistrate, if they come in the 
bare and naked authority of such an assembly as 
known by that name, and are really the representa- 
tion of so many people as a Parliament of England, 
Scotland, and Ireland, is. I say it ought to have its 
weight, and it hath so, and ever will have with me. 
In all things a man is free to answer desires as 
coming from Parliaments ; I may say that. But in 
as much as the Parliament hath been pleased to con- 
descend to me so far, to do me this honour, a very 
great one added to the rest, to give me the advantage 
of so many Members of theirs, so able, so under- 
standing the grounds of things, it is, I say, a very 
singular honour and favour to me. And I confess, 
I wish I may, and I hope I shall, do that [that] 
becomes an honest man to do, in giving an answer 
to these things, according to the desire, that either 
I have, or God shall give me. or I may be helped 
by reasoning with you unto. And I did not indeed 
in vain allege conscience in the first answer I gave ; 



APRIL 11, 1657 287 

but I must say, I must be a very unworthy person to 
receive such favour, if I should prevaricate when 
I said things did stick upon my conscience, which 
I must still say they do. Only I must say I am 
in the best way that I can be for information, [and] 
I shall gladly receive it. 

Here have been divers things spoken by you to-day. 
with a great deal of judgement, and ability, and 
knowledge. And I think the things, or the argu- 
ments, or reasonings that have been used, have been 
upon these three accounts ; to speak to the thing 
simply, or in the abstract notion of the title, and the 
positive reasons upon which it stands ; and then 
comparatively both in the thing and in the foundation 
of it, which, — what it is to shew the goodness of it 
comparatively, — it is alleged to be so much better 
than what is, and that is so much short of doing the 
work that this will do ; and thirdly, some things 
have been said by way of precaution, upon arguments 
that are a little from the thing in the nature of it, but 
are considerations from the temper of the people of 
the nation, what will gratify them, which surely is 
considerable, as also by way of anticipation of me 
in my answer, by speaking to some objections that 
others have made against this thing. These are 
things in themselves each of them considerable. To 
answer to objections, I know it is a very weighty 
thing ; and to make objections is very easy, and that 
will fall to my part. And I am sure I shall, if I make 
them to men that know so well how to answer them, 



288 APRIL IB, 1657 

because they have in part received them from others 
upon the debates already had. But upon the whole 
matter, I having as well as I could taken these things 
that have been spoken, which truly are to be ac- 
knowledged by me to be very learnedly spoken, 
I hope therefore you will give me a little time to 
consider of them, [and tell me] when it may be your 
best time for me to return to you to meet you again. 

Lord Whitelocke. ' Your Highness will be pleased to 
appoint your own time.' 

Lord Protector. On Monday at nine of the clock, 
I will be ready to wait upon you.' 

42. 

'The humble Petition and Advice.' Speech to the 
Committee, Monday, April 13, 1657. 

* My Lord, 

I think I have a very hard task upon my hand. 
Though it be but to give an account of myself, yet 
I see I am beset on all hand here. I say, but to give 
an account of myself, but it is in a business that is, in a 
business that is very comprehensive of others, in some 
sense to us, and, as the Parliament have been pleased 
to make it, of all the interests of these three nations. 

I confess I consider two things. First, to return 
some very weak answer to the things that were so 
ably and well said the other day on behalf of the 
Parliament's putting the title in the Instrument of 
Settlement. I hope it will not be expected that I 



APRIL 13, 1657 289 

should answer to everything that was then said, 
because I suppose the main things that were spoken 
were arguments from ancient constitutions and settle- 
ments by the laws, of which I am sure I could never 
well skill \ and therefore must ask the more pardon 
in what I have transgressed in my practice, or shall 
now transgress through my ignorance of them in my 
answer to you. Your arguments I say, which were 
chiefly founded upon the law, seem to carry with 
them a great deal of necessary conclusion to enforce 
that one thing of Kingship ; and if the argument 
come upon me to enforce upon the ground of neces- 
sity, why then I have no room to answer, for what 
must be, must be. And therefore I did reckon it 
much of my business to consider, whether there was 
such a necessity, or would arise such a necessity from 
those arguments. 

It was said, that Kingship was not a title but an 
office, so interwoven with the fundamental laws of 
this nation, as if they could not, or well could not, 
be executed and exercised without it : partly, if I may 
say so, upon a supposed ignorance of the law that it 
hath of any other title ; it knows no other, neither 
does any other know it, the reciprocation is such. 
This title or name, or office as you pleased to say, 
is understood in the dimensions of it, in the powers 
and prerogatives of it, which are by the law made 
certain. And the law can tell when it keeps within 
compass, and when it exceeds its limits. And the 

1 Monarchy Asserted, * be well skilled.'' 
U 



290 APRIL 13, 1657 

law knowing this, the people can know it also, and 
the people do love what they know : and it will be 
neither pro salute populi, nor for safety, to obtrude 
upon them names that they do not nor cannot under- 
stand. It is said also, that the people have been 
always, by their representatives in Parliament, un- 
willing to vary names ; forasmuch as hath been said 
before, they love settlement. And there were two 
good instances given of that. The one, in King James 
his time, about his desire to alter somewhat of the 
title ; and another, in the Long Parliament, wherein 
they being otherwise rationally moved to admit of 
the word " Representative " instead of " Parliament," 
they refused it for the same reason. It hath been said 
also, that the holding to this word 1 doth strengthen 
the settlement, because it doth not do anything de 
novo but resolves things into their old current. It is 
said, it is the security of the chief magistrate, and 
that it secures all that act under him. Truly these 
are the principal grounds that were offered the last 
day, so far as I do recollect. 

I cannot take upon me to refel those grounds, for 
they are strong and rational, but if I phall be able to 
make any answer unto them, I must not grant that 
they are necessarily concluding, but take them only 
as arguments that have perhaps much of conveniency 
and probability towards concluding. For if a remedy 
or expedient may be found, then they are not neces- 
sary, they are not inevitable grounds. And if not 

1 King. 



APRIL 13, 1657 291 

necessary and concluding, why then, they will hang 
upon the reason of expediency or conveniency: and 
if so, I shall have a little liberty to speak, otherwise 
I am concluded before I speak. And therefore it will 
behove me to say what [reasons] I have why they are 
not, why they are not absolute and necessary con- 
clusions, nor that they are, — nor that it is, I should 
say, — so interwoven in the laws, but that the laws 
may not possibly be administered and executed to 
equal justice and equal satisfaction of the people, and 
equally to answer all objections, as well without it, as 
with it. And then, when I have done that, I shall 
only take the liberty to say a word or two for my 
own grounds, and when I have said what I can say 
as to that, I hope you will think a great deal more 
than I say. 

Truly though Kingship be not a title, but a name 
of office that ruDS through the law, yet it is not so 
ratione nominis, from the reason of the name, but 
from what is signified. It is a name of office plainly 
implying the supreme authority ; it is no more, nor 
can it be stretched to more. I say it is a name of 
office plainly implying the supreme authority, and 
if it be so, why then I would suppose, — I am not 
peremptory in anything that is a matter of deduction 
and inference of my own, — why then I would sup- 
pose, whatsoever hath been or shall be the name in 
which the supreme authority shall act, why I say, if 
it had been these four or five letters, or whatsoever 
else it had been, that signification goes to the thing 

u % 



292 APRIL 13, 1657 

[signified], and not the thing to the name ; certainly 
it does, and not [the thing to] the name. Why then 
there can be no more said but this. Why, this hath 
been said, This hath been the name fixed, under which 
the supreme authority has been known. Happily as 
it hath been fixed, so it may be unfixed. And cer- 
tainly [if fixed] in the right of authority, I mean as 
a legislative power, in the right of a legislative power, 
I think the authority that could christen it with such 
a name could have called it by another name. And 
therefore [if] it was but derived from [that] 1 , and 
certainly they had the disposal of it and might have 
had it, they might have detracted or changed. And 
I hope it will be [no] 1 offence to you to say, as the 
case now stands, so may you. And if it be so that you 
may, why then, I say there is nothing of necessity in 
the argument, but consideration of [the expedience 
of] 2 it. I had rather if I were to choose, if it were 
the natural question, which I hope is altogether out of 
the question, but I had rather have any name from 
this Parliament, than any name without it ; so much 
do I think of the authority of Parliament. And 
I believe all men are of my mind in that 3 , I think 
the nation is very much of that mind ; though that 
be an uncertain way of arguing, what mind they are 
of. I think we may say that without offence, for 
I would give none, though the Parliament be the 

1 Monarchy Asserted. 

3 Ibid., ' consideration of expedience of if 



APRIL 13, 1657 293 

truest way to know what the mind of the nation is. 
Yet, if the Parliament will be pleased to give me a 
liberty to reason for myself, and that that be made 
one argument 1 , I hope I may urge against that, else 
I cannot freely give a reason for my own mind. But 
I say undoubtedly, let us think what we will, what 
the Parliament settles is that which will run through 
the law, and will lead the thread of government 
through the [land] 2 , as well as what has been ; con- 
sidering that what hath been, hath been but upon the 
same account, save that there has been some long 
continuance of the thing. It is but upon the same 
account ; it had its original somewhere, and it was 
in consent, in consent of the whole, there was the 
original of it. And consent of the whole will I say be 
the needle that will lead the thread through all, and 
I think no man will pretend right against [it] 3 or 
wrong. And if so, then, under favour to me, I think 
all these arguments from the law are, as I said before, 
not necessary, but are to be understood upon the 
account of conveniency. It is in your power to dis- 
pose and settle [as] 4 before, [and] we can have confi- 
dence that what you do settle will be as authentic as 
those things that were before, especially as to this 
individual thing, the name or title upon Parlia- 
mentary account, upon Parliamentary authority. Why 
then, I say, there will be way made, with leave, for 

1 That they do know the mind of the nation, and so order him to become 
King. 

3 Monarchy Asserted ; * law ' in text 

3 Ibid. 4 ' and ' in text 



294 APRIL 13, 1657 

me to offer a reason or two to all that has elsewhere 
been said : otherwise I say my mouth is stopt. 

There are many enforcements to carry on this 
thing 1 . I supposing it will stand upon a way of 
expediency and fitness, truly I should have urged one 
consideration more that I had forgotten ; and that is, 
not only to urge from reason but from experience. 
Perhaps it is a short one, but it is a true one, under 
favour, [and is known to you all in the fact of it] 2 , 
although there has been no Parliamentary declara- 
tion. That the supreme authority going in another 
name and under [another] 3 title than King, why it 
has been complied with twice without it : that is, 
under the Custodes Libertatum Angliae, and it has 
since I exercised the place. And truly I may say that 
almost universal obedience has been given from all 
ranks and sort of men to both. 

And to begin with the highest degree of majesty 
[the Law]. At the first alteration, and when that 4 
was the name, though it was the name of [an] 5 in- 
visible thing, yet the very name, [though a new 
name] 5 , was obeyed, did pass for current and was 
received, and did carry on the justice of the nation. 
I do very well remember that [my] 6 Lords the Judges 
were somewhat startled, and yet upon consideration, 
if I mistake not, I believe so, — there being of them 

1 The Protectorship. Cromivell now shews that this title, in the right of 
(heir authority, has been generalhj obeyed. See Notes. 

2 Monarchy Asserted, where ' under favour ' is repeated twice. 

3 Ibid. * i Custodes Libertatum Angliae.' 
5 Monarchy Asserted. 6 Ibid., ' the'' in text. 



APRIL 13, 1657 295 

without reflection as able and as learned as have sat 
there, — though they did I confess at first demur a 
little, yet they did receive satisfaction and did act 
as I said before. I profess it, for my own part I think 
I may say it, since the beginning of that change, 
I would be loth to speak anything vainly, but since 
the beginning of that change unto this day I do not 
think that in no many years, [in] those that were 
called, and worthily so accounted, halcyon days of 
peace, in Queen Elizabeth's, and King James', and 
Charles' time, I do not think but that the laws did 
proceed with as much freedom and justice, with less 
private solicitation, either from that [time] that was 
called then so, or since I came to the government. 
I do not think undei favour that the laws have had 
a more free exercise, uninterrupted by any hand of 
power, the judges less solicited by letters or private 
interpositions either of my own or other men's, in 
double so many years, in all those times of peace. 

And if more of my Lords the Judges were here, 
than now are, they could tell what to say to what 
has been done since. And therefore I say, under 
favour, these two experiences do manifestly shew, that 
it is not a title, though so interwoven with the laws, 
that makes the law to have its free passage and do its 
office without interruption as we think, but that if 
a Parliament shall determine that another name shall 
run through the laws, I believe it may run with as 
free a passage as this ; which is all that I have to say 
upon that head. And if this be so, then truly other 



296 APRIL 13, 1657 

things may fall under a more indifferent consideration, 
and then I shall arrive at some issue to answer for 
myself in this great matter. 

And all this while nothing that I shall say does 
anyway determine anything against any resolution or 
thoughts of the Parliament. But really and honestly 
and plainly considering what is fit for me to answer ; 
the Parliament desires me to have this title, it 
hath stuck with me, and doth yet stick. And truly 
although I hinted the other day that I thought that 
your arguments to me did partly give positive grounds 
for what was to be done, and comparative grounds, — 
saying that which you were pleased to do, and I gave 
no cause for that I know of, — that is, to compare the 
effects of Kingship with such a name as I for the 
present bear with Protectorship, I say, I hope it will 
not be understood that I contend for the name, or any 
name, or anything. But truly and plainly, if I speak 
as in the Lord's presence, I in all things wait as 
a person under the disposition of the providence of 
God, neither naming one thing nor another, but only 
answering to this name or title. For I hope I do not 
desire to give a rule to anybody, because I have not 
professed, I have not professed, I have not been able, 
and I have said truly, I have not been able to give 
one to myself. But I would be understood in this. 
I am a man standing in the place I am in, which 
place I undertook not so much out of the hope of 
doing any good, as out of a desire to prevent mischief 
and evil, which I did see was imminent upon the nation. 



297 

I saw we were running headlong into confusion and 
disorder, and would necessarily run into blood, and 
I was passive to those that desired me to undertake 
the place that now I have. I say, not so much out 
of the hope of doing good, [for] which a man may 
lawfully, — if he deal deliberately with God and his 
own conscience, — a man may lawfully, as the case 
may be, though the case is very fickle, desire a great 
place to do good. But I profess I had not that appre- 
hension when I undertook this place, that I could do 
much good ; but I did think I might prevent imminent 
evil. And therefore I am not contending with one 
name compared with another, and therefore have 
nothing to answer to any arguments that were used 
in giving preference to Kingship or Protectorship. 
For I should almost think that any name were better 
than my name, and I should altogether think any 
person fitter than : I am for any such business, and 
I compliment not, God knows it. But this I would 
say, that I think from my very heart that in your 
settling of the peace and liberties of this nation, which 
cries as loud upon you as ever nation did, [you should 
labour] for somewhat that may beget a consistency, 
otherwise this nation will fall to pieces. And in that, 
as far as I can, I am ready to serve not as a King, 
but as a constable. For truly I have as before God 
thought it often, that I could not tell what my business 
was, nor what I was in the place I stood, save [by] 
comparing it with a good constable to keep the peace 

1 ' than the I am ' in text. 



298 APRIL IS, 1657 

of the parish. And truly this has been my content 
and satisfaction in the troubles that I have undergone, 
that yet you have peace. Why now truly, if I may 
advise, I wish to God you may be but so happy as to 
keep peace still, if you cannot, attain to those perfec- 
tions as to do this. I wish to God we may have peace 
though : I do. But the fruits of righteousness are 
sown in meekness, a better thing than we are aware 
of. I say therefore, — I do judge for myself, — there 
is no such necessity of the thing, for other names may 
do as well. I judge for myself. 

I must say a little, — I think I have somewhat of 
conscience to answer as to this matter, — why I can- 
not undertake this name. Why truly, truly I must 
go a little out of the way to come to my reasons, and 
you will be able to judge of them when I have told 
you them ; and I shall deal seriously, [as before 
God] l . If you do not all of you [know them], I am 
sure some of you do, and it behoves me to say, I know 
my calling from the first to this day. I was a person 
that from my first employment was suddenly pre- 
ferred and lifted up from lesser trusts to greater, from 
my first being a captain of a troop of horse. And 
I did labour as well as I could to discharge my trust, 
and God blessed me as it pleased him. And I did 
truly and plainly, — and then in the way of a foolish 
simplicity, as it was judged by many great and wise 
men, and good men too, — desire to make use of my 
instruments to help in this work. And I will deal 

1 Monarchy Asserted. 



APRIL 13, 1657 299 

plainly with you, I had a very worthy friend then, 
and he was a very noble person, and I know his 
memory is grateful to you all, Mr. John Hampden. 
At my first going out to the engagement I saw these 
men were beaten, and at every hand, I did indeed. 
And I desired him too, that he would make some 
addition to my Lord of Essex's army [of] 1 some new 
regiments, and I told him I would be serviceable to 
him in bringing such men [in] x as I thought had 
a spirit that would do something in the work. This 
is very true that I tell you, God knows I lie not. 
Your troopers, said I, are most of them old decayed 
serving men and tapsters, and such kind of fellows, 
and, said I, their troopers are gentlemen's sons, 
younger sons, persons of quality : do you think that 
the spirits of such base and mean fellows will ever 
be able to encounter gentlemen that have honour, 
courage and resolution in them ? Truly I pressed him 
in this manner conscientiously, and truly I did tell 
him, You must get men of a spirit, — and take it not 
ill what I say, I know you will not, — of a spirit that 
is like to go as far as a gentleman will go, or else 
I am sure you will be beaten still. I told him so, 
I did truly. He was a wise and worthy person, and 
he did think that I talked a good notion but an im- 
practicable one. Truly I told him I could do some- 
what in it. I did so. And truly I must needs say 
that to you, impute it to what you please, I raised 
such men as had the fear of God before them, and 

1 Monarchy Asserted. 



300 APRIL 13, 1657 

made some conscience of what they did. And from 
that day forward I must say to you they were never 
beaten ; wherever they engaged the enemy they beat 
them continually. 

And truly this is a matter of praise to God ; and it 
has some instruction in it, — to own men that are reli- 
gious and godly, and so many of them that are honestly 
and peaceably and quietly [disposed] x to live within 
government, and 2 will be subject to those gospel rules 
of obeying magistrates and living under authority. I 
reckon no godliness without this circle, but of this 
spirit. Let it pretend what it will, it is diabolical, it is 
devilish, it is from a diabolical spirit, from the height 
of Satan's wickedness. Why, truly I need not say 
more than to apply it thus. I will be bold to apply 
it thus to this purpose, because it is my all. I could 
say as all the world say, and run headily upon any- 
thing, [but] I must tender this unto you as a thing 
that sways with my conscience, or else I were a knave 
and a deceiver. I tell you there are such men in the 
nation that are godly, men of the same spirit, men 
that will not be beaten down with a carnal or worldly 
spirit while they keep their integrity. I deal plainly 
and faithfully with you, I cannot think that God 
would bless me in the undertaking of anything, that 
would justly and with cause grieve them. [That 
they will] 3 be troubled without cause, I must be 
a slave if I should comply with any such humours. 

1 Monarchy Asserted. 2 ' as' in Ibid. 

3 Ibid., i grieve them they that will be ' in text. 



301 

I say, that [there] are honest men and faithful men 
and true to the great things of our government, to 
wit, the liberty of the people, giving them that that is 
due to them and protecting their interest. I think 
verily God will bless you for what you have done in 
that, and what you have a desire to do in that, and 
they that are truly honest will bless you for it. But if 
that I know, as indeed I do, that very generally good 
men do not swallow this title, though really it is no 
part of their goodness to be unwilling to submit to 
what a Parliament shall settle over them, yet I must 
say that it is my duty and my conscience to beg of 
you, that there may be no hard thing put upon them \ 
things I mean hard to them, that they cannot swallow. 
If the nation may as well be provided for without 
these things, by some of these things I have hinted 
unto you, — as according to my poor apprehension 
it may, — I think truly it will be no sin to 2 you to 
seek their favour, as 3 it was to David in another 
case, no grief of heart to [yours] 4 that you have 
a tenderness, even possibly if it be [to] their weak- 
ness, to the weakness of those that have integrity 
and uprightness, and are not carried away with the 
hurries that I see some are, who think that their 
virtue lies in despising authority, opposing of it. I 
think you will be better able to root out of this nation 
that spirit and principle, — and it is as desirable as 

1 'me,' Monarchy Asserted. 2 'in,' Ibid. 

3 'it will be to you as it was,' Ibid. See i Samuel xxv. 

4 Monarchy Asserted ; ' you ' in text and Harleian MS. 



302 APRIL 13, 1657 

anything in the world, — by complying, indulging, and 
being patient unto the weaknesses [and infirmities] * of 
men that have been faithful, and have bled all along 
in this cause, and are faithful and will oppose all 
oppositions, I am confident of it, to the things that 
are fundamental 2 in your government, in your settle- 
ment for civil and gospel liberties. I confess, for it 
behoves me to deal plainly with you, I must confess 
I would say, — I hope I may be understood in this, for 
indeed I must be tender in what I say to such an 
audience as this is, — I say I would be understood, 
that in this argument I do not make a parallel 
between men of a different mind and the Parliament, 
which shall have their desires ; I know there is no 
comparison, nor can it be urged upon me. That my 
words have the least colour that [way] 3 may be be- 
cause the Parliament seems to give liberty to me to 
say anything to you as that that is a tender of my 
humble reasons and judgements and opinions unto 
you 4 . And if I think they are such and will be 
such to them, and [that they] are faithful servants 
and will be so to the supreme authority and the 
legislative wherever it is, if I say I should not tell 
you, knowing their mind 5 to be so, I should not be 
faithful, if I should not tell you so, to the end you 
may report it to the Parliament. 

And truly I would say something for myself, for 
my own mind. I do profess it, I am not a man 

1 Monarchy Asserted. 2 Ibid., 'fundamentals.' 

3 Ibid. * Ibid., 'to them.' 

5 Ibid., 'minds.' 



APRIL IB, 1657 303 

scrupulous about words or names [or such things] 1 , 
I am not : but as I have the Word of God, and I hope 
I shall ever have, for the rule of my conscience, for 
my information, so truly men that have been [led] l 
in the dark paths through the providence and dispen- 
sations of God. Why surely it is not to be objected 
to a man, for who can love to walk in the dark ? 
But providence does oftentimes so dispose, and though 
a man may impute his own blindness and folly and 
blindness to providence sinfully, yet that must be at 
my peril. The case may be, that it is the providence 
of God that does lead men in darkness. I must needs 
say I have had a great deal of experience of pro- 
vidence, and though it is no rule without or against 
the Word, yet it is a very good exposition of the 
Word in many cases. Truly the providence of God 
has laid this title aside providentially. De facto it is 
laid as aside and this not by sudden humour or pas- 
sion, but it has been the issue of a great deliberation 
as ever was in a nation ; it has been the issue of ten 
or twelve years' civil war, wherein much blood has 
been shed. I will not dispute the justice of it when 
it was done, nor need I now tell you what my opinion 
is in the case if it were de novo to be done. But if it 
be at all disputable, — and that a man comes and finds 
that God in his severity has not only eradicated 
a whole family and thrust them out of the land for 
reasons best known to himself, [but] 2 has made the 
issue and close of it to be the very eradication of 

1 Monarchy Asserted. 2 ' and ' in text. 



304 APRIL 13, 1657 

a name or title, which de facto is [the case] , — it was 
not done by me, nor by them that tendered me the 
government I now act in. It was done by the Long 
Parliament, that was it. And God has seemed pro- 
videntially not only to strike at the family but at the 
name. And as I said before, de facto it is blotted out, 
it is a thing cast out by Act of Parliament, it's a 
thing has been kept out to this day. And as Jude 
saith in another case, speaking of abominable sins 
that should be in the later times \ he doth likewise 
when he comes to exhort the saints tell them they 
should hate even the garment spotted with the 
flesh 2 . I beseech you think not I bring it as an 
argument to prove anything, or to make any compari- 
son, I have no such thoughts. God hath seemed to 
deal so. He hath not only dealt so with the persons 
and the family, but he hath blasted the title. And 
you know, when a man comes a parte post to reflect 
and to see that this [is] 3 done and laid in the dust, 
I can make no conclusion but this, — they may have 
strong impressions upon such weak men as I am, and 
perhaps if there be any such, upon weaker men it 
will be stronger, — I would not seek to set up that 
that providence hath destroyed and laid in the dust, 
and I would not build Jericho again. And this is 
somewhat to me, and to my judgement and con- 
science: that it is truly. It is that which hath an 
awe upon my spirit. 

1 Monarchy Asserted reads l latter.' a Jude v. 23. 

3 Monarchy Asserted. 



APRIL IB, 1657 305 

And I must confess as times are, they are very 
fickle, very uncertain. Nay, God knows, you had 
need have a great deal of faith to strengthen you in 
your work, and all assistance. You had need to look 
at settlement. I would rather I were in my grave 
than hinder you in anything that may be for settle- 
ment, for the nation needs it and never needed it 
more. And therefore out of the love and honour 
I bear you, — which [I am for ever bound to do : 
whatever becomes of me] l I am for ever bound to 
acknowledge that you [have] 1 dealt most honourably 
and worthily with me, and lovingly, and have had 
respect for one that deserves nothing, — indeed out of 
the love and faithfulness I bear you, and out of the 
sense [I have] 1 of the difficulty of your work, I would 
not have you lose any help that might serve you, 
[that may stand in stead to you] 2 , but would be a 
sacrifice that there might be, so long as God shall 
please to let the Parliament sit, [a harmony] \ a 
better understanding and good understanding between 
all of you. And whatsoever any man thinks, it 
equally concerns one man as another to go on to a 
settlement : and where I meet any that are of another 
mind, indeed I could almost curse him in my heart. 
And therefore, to the end I might deal faithfully and 
freely, I would have you lose nothing that might 
stand you in stead this way. I w^ould not that you 

1 Monarchy Asserted. 

2 Ibid. Possibly only a corrected reading of preceding sentence : see 
the same phrase shortly after. 

X 



306 APRIL 13, 1657 

should lose any servant or friend that may help on 
this work, or that if there should be any of an 
unmanly or womanish spirit they should be offended 
by that that signifies no more to me than as I have 
[told] 1 you, [that is] 2 I do not [think the thing 
necessary] 2 : I would not that you should lose a friend 
for it. If I could help you to many and multiply 
myself into many I would be to serve you in settle- 
ment, and therefore would not that any, — especially 
any of those that indeed perhaps are men, that do 
think themselves engaged to continue to you and to 
serve you, — should be anyway 3 disobliged from you. 
The truth is I [did] 4 make that my conclusion to 
you at [the] 5 first, when I told you what method 
I would speak to you in. I may say that I cannot 
with conveniency to myself, nor good to this service 
that I wish so well to, speak out all my arguments 
in order to safety, and in order to tendency to an 
effectual carrying on of the work. I say I do not 
think it fit to urge all the thoughts I have in my 
mind as to that point of safety, but I pray to God 
Almighty, that he would direct you to do according 
to his will : [and] 5 this is that poor account I am 
able to give you of myself in this thing.' 

1 Monarchy Asserted ; i tobe > in text. 2 Ibid. 

3 Ibid. i anyways.' 4 Ibid. l do ' in text. 

5 Ibid. 



APRIL 20, 1657 307 

43. 

"The humble Petition and Advice.' Speech to the 
Committee, Monday, April 20, 1657. 

1 My Lord, 

I have, as well as I could, considered the 
arguments used by you the other day to enforce the 
conclusion that refers to the name and title, that was 
the subject-matter of the debates and conferences that 
have been between us. 

I shall not now spend your time, nor mine own 
much, in repeating those arguments and in giving 
answers to them : indeed, I think they are but the 
same that they were formerly, only there were some 
additional enforcements of those arguments by new 
instances. I think truly, after the rate of [this] 
debate, I may spend your time, which I know is very 
precious : and unless I were a satisfied person l , the 
time would spin out and be very unpracticable 2 
spent ; so it would. I only must say a word or two 
as to that I think was new. 

[It was said 3 , that] what comes from the Par- 
liament in the exercise of the legislative power, which 
this [present title of "Protector"] is, — I understand 
it to be an exercise of the legislative power, and 
the laws were always formerly passed this way 4 , and 
that of Bills was of a newer date, I understand that 

1 i. e. if I had not already made up my mind. 

2 'unprofitably,' MS. Adds. Ayscough, 6125. 

3 Arguments of Lord Whitelocke and others. See Notes. 

4 By ' Ordinance,' 

X 2, 



308 APRIL 20, 1657 

I say, — but it is said, that [what] was, [what] 1 is 
done by the Parliament now, and simply hangs upon 
their legislative, seems to be a thing that is ex 
dono, and not de jure ; not a thing that is of so 
good weight and so strong, as what refers from them 
to the law that is already in being 2 . I confess there 
is some argument in that ; that is there 3 . But if the 
strength 4 will be as good without it, though it comes 
as a gift from you, — I mean as a thing that you pro- 
vide for them, or else it will never come at them : so 
in a sense it comes from you. It is that that they 
otherwise come by, therefore in a sense it is ex 
dono. For [he] x that helps a man to what he 
cannot otherwise come by, he doth an act that is very 
near a gift. And you helping them to it, it is a kind 
of gift to them, otherwise they could not have it. 
But if you do it simply by your legislative power, the 
question is not what makes this [title of " Protector " 
more firm, — whether the manner of the 5 settling of 
it, or the manner of your doing it, it is always as 
great a labour 6 , — but yet the question lies in the 
acception 7 of them who are concerned to yield obe- 
dience, and accept this. And therefore if [this title 
of " Protector " is] a thing that hath for its root and 
foundation but your legislative in an act of yours, if 

1 MS. Adds. Ayscough, 6125. 2 As l Kingship' does. See Notes. 

3 ' that there is,' MS. Adds. Ayscough, 6125. 

4 Strength of the Title of l Protector.' 

5 '■your' MS. Adds. Ayscough, 6125. 

6 Refers to arguments of Lord Chief Justice Glynne. See Notes. 

7 'acceptation,' MS. Adds. Ayscough, 6125. 



APRIL 20, 1657 309 

I may pub a but to it, I do not do so, for I say it is 
[on] as good a foundation as that other title is : and 
if it be as well accepted, and that the other be less 
than truly it is, I should think [it] the better. 

And then, all that [argument on behalf of the title 
of " Kingship,"] I say is founded * upon the law. I say 
all those arguments that are founded in the law are 
for it ; because it hath been said it doth agree with 
the law, the law knows the office, the law knows the 
people know it, and the people are likelier to receive 
satisfaction that way. Those have been arguments 
that have been already, and truly I know nothing 
that I have to add to them. And therefore I say 
also 2 , those arguments may stand as we found them, 
and left them already. 

Only this I think truly, as it hath been said to me, 
I am a person that have done that, that never any 
that were actually Kings of England [did.] 3 refused 
the Advice of [this] 3 Parliament. I confess that runs 
to all, and that may be accounted a very great fault 
in me, and ma} 7 arise up in judgement against me 
another time, if my case be not different from any 
man's that was in the chief command and government 
of these nations that ever was before. And truly 
I think it is. They [are men] that have been in, and 
owned to be 4 , in the right of the law, as inheritors 
coming to it by birthright ; and [when] otherwise, 

1 ' And then all I say that is founded,' MS. Adds. Ayscough, 6125. 

2 ' all ; Ibid. s Hid. 
1 ' to hare been m, 1 Ibid. 



310 APRIL 20, 1657 

[as] by the authority of Parliament 1 , [they are men] 
who yet have had some previous pretence of title, or 
claim to it. I think, under favour, I deserve less 
blame than another doth, if I cannot so well comply 
with the title, and with the desires of Parliament in 
it, as others do. For they that are in would take it 
for an injury to be out of it 2 . Truly these argu- 
ments are very strong to them, why they should not 
refuse that, that is intended to them by the Par- 
liament. 

But, — I have dealt plainly with you, and I have 
not complimented with you, — I have not desired, 
I have no title to the government of these nations, but 
what was taken up in a case of necessity, and tem- 
porary, to supply the present emergency. Without 
which we must needs, — I say we had been all after 
the rate of the printed book, and after the rate of 
those men that have been taken going into arms, if 
[the government] had not been taken [up by me]. It 
was as visible to me as the day, if I had not under- 
taken it. And so it being put upon me, I being then 
General, as I was General by Act of Parliament, [it] 
being [put] upon me to [take the] power in my hand, 
after the assembly of men that was called together 
had been dissolved, — really the thing would have 
issued itself in this book, for as I am informed the 
book knows an author, it 3 was a leading principal 

1 l or otherwise by the authority of Parliament, by the confirmation of 
Parliament,'' MS. Adds. Ayscough, 6125. 

a ' outed,' Ibid. 3 ' that,' Ibid. 



APRIL 20, 1657 311 

person in that assembly, — when 1 now I say, I speak 
in the plainness and simplicity of my heart as before 
Almighty God, I did out of necessity undertake that, 
that no man I think would have undertaken but 
myself. It hath pleased God that I have been instru- 
mental to keep the peace of the nation to this day, 
and to keep it under a title that some [say] 2 signifies 
but a keeping it to another's use. To a better use, 
that may improve it to a better use? And this 
I [may] 3 say, I have not desired the continuance of 
my power or place, either under one title or [an] other 3 : 
that I have not. [And] 3 I say it, if the wisdom of 
Parliament could find where to place things so as they 
might save this nation and the interests of it, — the 
interest of the people of God in the first place, of those 
Godly honest men, for such a character I reckon them 
by, and 4 [of those who] live in the fear of God, and 
desire to hold forth the excellency [and virtue of a] 3 
Christian course 5 in their life and conversation, for 
I reckon that also proceeds from faith [and love,] 3 , — 
looking to [their] duties towards Christians and to 
the humanity, to men as men, and to such liberties 
and interests, as the people of this nation are of, (and 
[I] look upon that duty as a standing truth of the 
Gospel, and who lives up to that, according to that, 
is a Godly man in my apprehension, and therefore 
I say,) if the wisdom of this Parliament, I speak not 

1 'ivhy,' MS. Adds. Ayscough, 6125. 

2 ' says ' in text ; ( say,' Ibid. s Ibid. 

4 ' that,' Ibid. 5 ' calling,' Ibid. 



312 APRIL 20, 1657 

this vainly nor like a fool, but as to God, and if the 
wisdom of this Parliament should have found a way 
to settle the interests of this nation, upon the founda- 
tions of justice and truth and liberty to the people 
of God, and [to the] concernments of men as English- 
men, I would have lain down at their feet, or any 
body's feet else, that this might have run in such 
a current. And therefore I say, I have no preten- 
sions to [these] things for myself, or to ask this or 
that, or to avoid this or that. 

I know the censures of the world may quickly pass 
upon me, but I thank God I know not where to lay 
the weight, that is laid upon me. I mean the weight 
of reproach and contempt and scorn, that hath been 
cast upon me, [because] I have not offered you any 
name in competition with Kingship. I know the 
evil spirits of men may easily obtrude upon a man, 
that he would have a name that the law knows not, 
and that is boundless, and is that under which a man 
exercises more arbitrariness 1 . I know there is nothing 
in that argument, and if it were in your thoughts [to 
limit my Title], or to do anything of that kind, aye 
whatsoever it was, it would bound it and limit it 
sufficiently. I wish it were come to that, that no 
favour should be shewed to me, but that the good of 
these nations might be consulted, as I am confident 
they will be by you in whatsoever you do. But 
I may say this in answer to that, that doth a little 

1 Probably refers to the arguments used by Lord Broghill and others. See 
Notes. 



APRIL 20, 1657 313 

pinch upon me, and the more so when I am told it is 
my duty. 

I think it can be no man's duty, nor obligation, but 
it is between God and himself, if he be conscious of 
his own infirmities, disabilities, and weaknesses, and 
that he is not able to encounter with [them], although 
he may have a little faith too for a little exercise. 
I say I do not know which way it can be imputed to 
me for a fault or laid upon me as a duty, except 
I meant to gripe at the government of the nations 
without a legal consent : which I say I have done in 
times past upon the principles of necessity. And 
I promise [you] \ I shall think whatever is done with- 
out authority of Parliament in order to settlement, will 
neither be very honest, nor yet that that I under- 
stand. I think we have fought for the liberties of the 
nation, as well as for other interests. 

You will pardon me that I speak these things in 
such a way as this is. I may be borne withal ; 
because, I have not truly well borne the exercise that 
hath been upon me now, these three or four days 2 : 
I have not, I say. I have told you my thoughts and 
have laid them before you. You have been pleased 
to give me your grounds, and I have told you mine. 
And truly I do purposely refuse to mention those 
arguments [that] were used when you were last here, 
but rather tell you what since 3 I tell you lies upon 
my heart out of the abundance of difficulty and 

1 MS. Adds. Ayscough, 6125. 2 ' years,' Ibid. 

3 ' what sence lies upon my heart, out . . .' Ibid. 



314 APRIL 20, 1657 

trouble that lies upon me. And therefore, you having 
urged me, I mean, offered reasons to me, and urged 
them with such grounds as did occur to you, — and 
having told you the last time I met you that the 
satisfaction of them did not reach to me, so as wholly 
to convince my judgement of what was my duty, — 
I have thought rather to answer you with telling you 
my grief, and the trouble I am under. And truly my 
intentions and purposes they are honest to the nation, 
and shall be by the grace of God. And I cannot tell 
how upon collateral pretences to cut 1 towards things 
that will be destructive to the liberties of this nation. 
Any man may give me leave to die, and every- 
body may give me leave to be as a dead man, 
when God takes away the spirit and life and ac- 
tivity that is necessary for the carrying on such 
a work. 

And therefore I do leave the former debates as they 
were, and [as] 2 we had them, letting you know that 
I have looked a little upon the Paper, the Instrument 
I would say, in the other parts of it. And considering 
that there are many particulars in the Instrument, 
some of the general, some of reference 3 , others specified, 
and all of weight, let the title be what it will, of 
weight to the concernment of the nations, I think 
I may desire that those may be such, as what[ever] they 
be applied to, either to one thing or another, they might 
be such as the people have no cause [to regret], as I am 

1 'act,' MS. Adds. Ayscough, 6125. 2 Ibid. 

3 ' some of general reference,' Ibid. 



APRIL 20, 1657 315 

confident your care and faithfulness needs neither a 
spur, nor any admonition 1 to that. I say, reading in 
your Order, by order of Parliament, for the Committee, 
that there are divers particulars that are, that if I do 
make any scruple of them I should have the freedom 
with this committee to cast my doubts, the truth of it 
is I have a Paper here in my hand, that doth contain 
divers things with relation to the Instrument, that 
I hope have a public aspect with them. Therefore 
I cannot presume but they will be very welcome to 
you : therefore I shall desire that you will read 2 them. 
I should desire, if it please you, that liberty, — which 
I submit to your judgement whether you think I have 
it 3 or no, — that I might tender these few things and 
some others that I have in preparation [to-morrow in 
the afternoon] 4 . And truly I shall reduce them to as 
much brevity as I can : they are too large here. And 
if it please you, to-morrow 5 in the afternoon at three 
of the clock I shall meet you again, and I hope we 
shall come to know one another's minds, and shall 
agree to that that shall be to the glory of God, and 
the good of these nations.' 

1 ' intimation,' MS. Adds. Ayscovgh, 6125. 

2 'receive,' Ibid. 

3 ' whether you thinhfit I should have it, or no,' Ibid. 

4 Ibid. 

5 ' that tomorrow . . . , I hope,' Ibid. 



MEW YORK, M. Y, 



316 APRIL 21, 10o7 



'The humble Petition and Advice.' Speech to the 
Committee, Tuesday, April 21, 1657. 

1 My Lord, 

I think you very 1 well remember what the 
issue was of the last conference I had with you, and 
what the stick was then. I confess I took occasion 
from the Order of the Parliament, in which they gave 
you power to speak with me about those things that 
were in the body of that Instrument and desire. 
[That] which you have been pleased to speak with 
me about [is the title, but I did offer to you] that 
I might confer with you about those [other] particulars, 
and might receive satisfaction from you as to them. 
Whether a good issue will be to all these affairs or 
no is only in the hands of God ; that is a great secret, 
and secrets belong to God and things revealed to us. 
And such things [as] are the subject-matter of this 
Instrument of yours, and as far as they may have 
relation to me, that you and I may consider, what 
may be for [the] 2 public good, that so they may 
receive such an impression as can humanly be given 
to them. 

I would be well understood, that I say the former 
debate and conferences have been upon the title, and 
that rests as it did. And now seeing that, as I said 
before, your Order of Commitment doth as well reach 

1 ' may,' Monarchy Asserted. 2 Ibid. 



APRIL 21, 1057 317 

to the particulars contained in the Instrument as 
to that of the title, I did offer to you that I should 
desire to speak with you about them also, that so we 
may come to an understanding of one another l , not 
what the thing is in parts, but what it is in the 
whole conduceable to that end that we all ought to 
aim at, which is a general settlement upon good 
foundations. And truly as I have [often] 2 said even 
to the Parliament itself, when it gave me the honour 
to meet me in the Banqueting-House, so I must say 
to you that are a Committee, a very considerable 
representation of them, that I am hugely taken with 
the word settlement, with the thing and with the 
notion" of it. I think he is not worthy to live in 
England that is not 4 . I will do my part so far as 
I am able to expel that man out of the nation, that 
doth not affect 5 of that in the general, to come to 
a settlement. Because indeed it is the great misery 
and unhappiness of a nation to be without it ; and it 
is like a house, and much worse than a house divided 
against itself, it cannot stand without settlement. 
And therefore I hope we are all so far at a good point, 
and the spirit of the nation, I hope in the generality 
of it, is so far at a good point. We are all contending 
for a settlement, that is sure, but the question is de 
wiodo and of those things that will make it a good 
one, if it be 6 possible. That is no fault to aim at 

1 ' one with another,' Monarchy Asserted. 2 Ibid. 

3 ' motion ' in text. * * that is not, no,' Monarchy Asserted. 

5 • approve,' Ibid. 6 ' were,' Ibid. 



318 APRIL 21, 1657 

perfection in settlement. Truly I have said, and 
I say it again, that I think that is it that tends to the 
making of the nation to enjoy the things we have 
declared for, — and I would come upon that issue with 
all men or any man, — the things we have declared for, 
that have been the ground of our quarrelling and 
fighting all along, is that that will accomplish our 
general work. Settlement is the general work now, 
that which will give the nation to enjoy their civil 
and religious liberties, that will conserve the liberty 
of every man and not rob any man of what is justly 
his. I think, I hope [those two] 1 things make up 
settlement. I am sure they acquit us before God and 
man, who have endeavoured, as we have done, through 
some strivings 2 of blood to attain that end. 

If I may tell you my experiences in this business 
and offend no good man that loves the public before 
that which is personal, truly I shall briefly a little 3 
recapitulate to you what my observation, and en- 
deavour, and interest, hath been to this end. And 
I hope no man, that hath been interested in trans- 
actions all along, will blame me if I speak a little 
plainly ; and he shall have no cause to blame me, 
because I will take myself into the number of culpable 
persons, if there be any such, though perhaps apt 
enough out of [the] 4 self-love [I have] 4 to be [willing 
to be] 4 innocent where I am so, and yet to be [as] 4 
willing to take my reproach if anybody will lay 

1 Monarchy Asserted. 2 ' streamings,' Ibid. 

3 ' a little shortly' Ibid. * Ibid. 



APRIL 21, 1657 319 

it upon me where I am culpable. And truly I have 
through the providence of God endeavoured to dis- 
charge a poor duty, having had, as I conceive, a clear 
call to the station I have acted in, in J all these 
affairs ; and I believe very many are sufficiently 
satisfied in that. I shall not go about to say any- 
thing to make that out clear to you 2 , but must 
exercise myself in a little short chronology to come 
to that, that I say is really all our business at this 
time, and the business of this nation. 

To come upon clear grounds and to consider the 
providences of God, how they have led us hitherto 3 . 
After it pleased God to put an end to the war of this 
nation, — a final end which was done at Worcester, in 
the determination and decision 4 that was there by 
the hand of God, for other war we have had none, 
that perhaps deserves the name of war since that 
time, which is now six years, — I came in September 
up to the Parliament that then was, and truly I found 
the Parliament, as I thought, very well disposed to 
put a good issue to all these transactions that had 
been in the nation, and I rejoiced at it. And though 
I had not been well skilled in Parliamentary affairs, 
having been near ten years in the field, yet in my poor 
measure my desires did tend to some issue, believing 
verily that all the blood that had been shed and all 
that distemper that God had suffered to be amongst 
us, and in some sense God hath raised among us, that 

1 ' through,' Monarchy Asserted. 2 ' to clear it to you,' Ibid. 

3 ' hitherunto,' Ibid. * ( decession,' Ibid. 



320 APRIL 21, 1657 

surely fighting was not the end but the means that 
had an end, and was in order to somewhat. Truly it 
was then I thought upon settlement, that is that men 
might come to some consistency, and to that end I did 
endeavour to add my mite, which was no more than 
the interest of any one Member, I am sure not of 
[better] right than any one Member that was there, 
after I was returned again to that capacity. And 
I did, — I shall tell you no fable, but the things that 
diverse persons here can tell, whether I say true or 
no, — I did endeavour it. I would make the best 
interpretation of this, but yet this is truth and 
nothing of discovery on my part, but that which 
everybody knows to be true, that the Parliament 
having [done] x these memorable things that they 
had done, things of honour and things of necessity, 
[things] 2 that if at this day you have any judgement 
that there lies a possibility upon you to do any good, 
to bring this nation to any sort 3 of settlement, I may 
say you are all along beholding to them in good 
measure [for]. But yet truly as men that contend 
for public interest are not like to have the applause 
of all men, nor justification from all hands, so it was 
with them. And truly when they had made prepara- 
tion that might lead to the issuing in some good for 
the settlement of these nations in point of liberty 
and freedom from tyranny and oppression, from the 
hazard of our religion by one 4 that designed by inno- 

1 ' doe ' in text 2 Monarchy Asserted. s 'foot,' Ibid. 

4 ' religion to throw it away upon men that designed/ Ibid. 



APRIL 21, 1657 321 

vations to introduce Popery and by complying with 
some notions introduce arbitrariness upon a civil 
account, why they had more enemies than friends. 
They had so all along, and this made them careful out 
of principles of Nature, that do sometimes suggest 
best. And upon the utmost undeniable grounds they 
did think that it was not fit for them presently to go 
and throw themselves and all this cause into hands, 
that perhaps had no heart nor principle with them to 
accomplish the end that they aimed at. I say per- 
haps through infirmity they did desire to have con- 
tinued themselves and to have perpetuated themselves 
upon that Act, which was perhaps justly enough 
obtained and necessarily enough obtained when they 
got it from the King ; [and] though truly it was good 
in the first obtaining of it, yet it was by most men, 
who had ventured their lives in this cause, judged 
not fit to be perpetuated, but rather [as] 1 a thing 
that was to have an end when it had finished its 
course ; which was certainly the true way of it, in 
subserviency to the bringing in that which might be 
a good and honest settlement to the nation. I must 
say to you, I found them very willing to perpetuate 
themselves. And truly this is not a thing of reflection 
upon all, for perhaps some were not so. I can say so 
[of some] 2 of them ; the sober men that I had con- 
verse with, they would not have had it perpetual, but 
the major part I think over-ruled in that they would 
have continued. This is true that I say to you, I was 

1 Monarchy Asserted. 2 Ibid. ; ' of them of them ' in text. 

Y 



322 APRIL 21, 1657 

entreated to it and advised to it, and it was by this 
medium [they thought] to have accomplished it, that 
is to have sent into the country to have reinforced 
their number, and by new elections to have filled 
them up. And this excuse it had, it would not be 
against the liberty of the people, nor against the 
succession of men to come into rule and government, 
because as men died out of the House so they should 
be supplied. And this was the best answer that 
could be given to that objection that was then made, 
that the best way to govern is 1 to have men succes- 
sive and in such great bodies as Parliaments, to have 
men to learn [to know] 2 how to obey as well as to 
govern. And truly the best expedient that we then 
had was this that I tell you. The truth of it is, this 
[answer of theirs] did not satisfy a company of poor 
men that [had thought they] 2 had ventured 3 their 
lives, and had some thoughts that they had a little 
interest to inquire after the things, and the rather 
because really they were invited [out upon] 4 prin- 
ciples of honesty, conscience, and religion, for spiritual 
liberties as many as would come. Where the cause 
was a little doubtful, there was a Declaration that was 
very inviting, and men did come in upon that invi- 
tation, and did thereby think themselves not to be 
mercenary [men] 2 , but men that had wives and 
children in the nation and therefore might a little 

1 * is not to . . . but to have men to,' Monarchy Asserted. 

3 Ibid. 3 ' returned,' Ibid. 

4 Ibid. ; ' only by ' in text. 



APRIL 21, 1657 323 

look after satisfaction in what would be the issue of 
the business. 

And when this thing was thus pressed, and it may 
be overpressed, that a period might be put, and that 
that might be ascertaine[d] 7 and a time fixed, wh}^ 
truly then the extremity [ran] 2 another way. This 
is very true that I tell you, though it shame me. 
I do not say it shames all that were of the House, for 
I know all were not of that mind. Why truly when 
this was urged, then another extremity arose 3 . What 
was that? Why truly then it was, seeing a Parlia- 
ment might not be perpetual, the Parliament might 
be always sitting ; and to that end was there a Bill 
framed, that Parliaments might always be sitting, 
that as soon as one Parliament went out of their 
place, another might leap in. And when we saw this, 
truly we thought we did but make a change in 
pretence and did not remedy the thing. And then 
when that 4 was pursued with that great heat, [that] 5 
I dare say there was more progress made in it in 
a month, than was with the like business in four, to 
hasten it to an issue that such a Parliament might be 
brought in as 6 would bring the state of this nation 
into a continual sitting of Parliaments, we did think, 
who are plain men, and I do think it still, that it 
had been according to the foolish proverb, out of the 
frying-pan into the fire. For looking at the govern - 

1 Monarchy Asserted. 2 Ibid. ; l run ' in text. 

8 ' they ran into another extremity' Ibid. 
4 ' And thereupon that' Ibid. 6 Ibid. 

6 ' and seeing this' Ibid. 

Y 2 



324 APRIL 21, 1657 

ment [they would then have, it was a Common- 
wealth's government.] l why, we should have had fine 
work then, we should have had a Council of State 
and a Parliament of four hundred men executing 
arbitrary government without intermission, saving of 
one company, one Parliament, leaping 2 into the seat 
of another while they left them warm. The same 
day that one left, the other was to leap in. Truly 
I did think, and I do think [this a foolish remedy,] l 
however some are very much enamoured with that 
kind of government. Why [this design of theirs] \ 
it was no more but this, that Committees of Parlia- 
ment should take upon them, and be instead of, the 
Courts of Westminster, — perhaps some will think 
there had been no hurt in that, — and arbitrariness 
would have been in Committees, where a man can 
neither come to prove nor defend, nor know his 
judges, because there are one sort of men that judge 
him to-day and another sort of men to-morrow. This 
should have been the Law of England ; this should 
have been the way of judging this nation. And truly 
I thought that that was an ill way of judging, for 
I may say to you with truth to that, after it pleased 
God your poor army, these poor contemptible men, 
came up hither, it was so, — an outcry here in this 
place to see a cause heard, determined, and judged, 
and Committees erected to fetch men from the ex- 
tremest parts of the nation to London to attend Com- 
mittees, to determine all things and without any 

1 Monarchy Asserted. 2 ( stepping,' Ibid. 



APRIL 21, 1657 325 

manner of satisfaction. Whether a man's cause be l 
never so right or wrong, he must come and he must 
go back again as wise as he came. 

This truly was the cause 2 and our condition, and 
truly I must needs say, [take all in that was in the 
practices,] 3 I am sorry to tell the story of it, though 
there was indeed some necessity of the business, 
a necessity of some Committees to look to indemnity, 
but no necessity of Committees instead of Court[s] of 
Justice. But it was so, and this was the case of the 
people of England at that time. And the 4 Parlia- 
ment assuming to itself the authority of the Three 
[Estates] 5 that were before, — it was so [assuming 
that authority,] 3 — and if any man would have come 
and said, What are the rules you judge by ? [the 
answer would have been,] 3 Why ! we have none, but 
we are supreme in Legislative and in Judicature ! 
This was the state of the case, and I thought, and we 
thought, and I think so still, that this was a pitiful 
remedy, and it will be so when and while 6 the 
Legislative is perpetually exercised, when the Legis- 
lative and Executive powers are always the same. 
And truly I think the Legislative would be almost 
as well in the four Courts of Westminster-Hall, and 
if they could make laws and judge 7 too, you would 
have excellent laws, and the lawyers would be able 
to give you excellent counsel. And so it was then ; 

1 • a man travel never,' Monarchy Asserted. 2 ' case,' Ibid. 3 Ibid. 
4 • and that the,' Ibid. 5 Ibid. ; ' states ' in text. 

6 ' while and whensoever a,' Ibid. 7 'judges,' Ibid. 



326 APRIL 21, 1657 

this was our condition without scruple and doubt, 
and I shall say no more to it. But truly it was 
offered then, truly and honestly, and [we] l desired 
and begged that we might have a settlement, [and] 
that that now is here, that is there proposed a settle- 
ment. It w r as desired then, it was offered and desired, 
that the Parliament would be pleased, either of their 
own number or any else, to choose [a] certain number 
of men to settle the nation. This [method of theirs] 
is unsettlement ; this is confusion. For give me leave, 
if anybody now have the face to say, and I would die 
upon this, if any man in England have the impudence 
or the face to say, that the exceptions of the Parlia- 
ment was the fear of their hasty throwing of the 
liberties of the people of God and the nation into 
a bare representative of the people, — which was then 
the business we opposed, — if any man have that face 
to say it now that did then, or I will say more, ought 
then to judge it had been a confounding of the whole 
cause we had fought for, which [it] was, I would look 
upon that man's face, I would be glad to see such 
a man. I do not say there is any such here, but if 
any such should come to me, see if I would not look 
upon him and tell him he is an hypocrite. I dare say 
it, and I dare to die for it, knowing the spirit that 
hath been in some men to me. They come and tell 
me, they do not like my being Protector ! Why do 
you not ? Why 1 Because you will exercise arbitrary 
government. Why, what would you have me do 1 

1 'and we did desire and beg,' Monarchy Asserted 



APRIL 21, 1657 327 

Pray turn General again, and we will like you exceed- 
ing well? I was a child in its swaddling clothes 1 . 
I cannot transgress by the government. I can do 
nothing but in ordination with the Council. They 
fear arbitrary government by me upon that account ; 
but if it turned to be a General, they were not afraid 
of arbitrary government ? Such [as these are, such] 2 
hypocrisies as these are, should they enter into the 
heart of any man that hath any truth or honesty 
in him ? 

And truly that is our case, and finding our case to 
be thus, we did press the Parliament, as I told you, 
that they would be pleased to select some worthy 
persons that had loved this cause and the liberties 
of England and the interests of it, and we told them 
we would acquiesce and lie at their feet. But to be 
thrown into Parliaments that should sit perpetually, 
though but for three years, they had had too much 
experience of it ; the experience of which may remain 
to this day to give satisfaction to honest and sober 
men. Why truly we thought it 3 might satisfy, but 
it did not, and thereupon we did think that it was the 
greatest of dangers to be overwhelmed and brought 
under a slavery by our own consent, [and] 4 iniquity 
to become a law ; and there was our ground we acted 
[upon] 4 at that time. And truly they had perfected 
the Bill for [the] 4 perpetuating of Parliaments to the 

1 ' clouts,' Monarchy Asserted. 2 Ibid. 

3 ' we did think it,' Ibid.; * it ' refers to the proposal of the Army. 

4 Ibid. 



328 

last clause, and were resolved to pass it as a Bill in 
paper rather than comply with any expedient. If 
your own experience add anything to you in this, in 
this point, whether or no in cases civil and criminal, 
if a Parliament should assume an absolute power 
without any control, to determine the interests of 
men in property and liberty, whether or no this be 
desirable in [a] nation, if you have any sense, as 
I believe you have, yea more 1 than I have, I believe 
you will take it for a mercy that that did not befall 
England at that time ; and that is all I will say 
of it. 

Truly I will now come and tell you a story of my 
own weakness and folly, and yet it was done in my 
simplicity, I dare vow it was thought 2 , and some of 
my companions [did urge it upon me.] And truly 
this is a story that would not be recorded, a story 
that would not be told but when good use may be 
made of it. I say it was thought [then] 3 , that men 
of our judgement, that had fought in the wars and 
were all of a piece upon that account, why surely 
these men will hit it, and these men will do to the 
purpose whatsoever can be desired! Truly we did 
think, and I did think so ; the more to blame 4 . And 
such a company of men were chosen and did proceed 
into action. And truly this was the naked truth, that 
the issue was not answerable to the simplicity and 

1 * you have more,' Monarchy Asserted. 

2 Sentence obviously incomplete. 

3 Monarchy Asserted. * ' blame of,' Ibid. 



APRIL 21, 1657 329 

honesty of the design. What the issue of that meeting 
would have been, and was feared, [you all know] 1 ; 
upon which sober men of that meeting did withdraw 
and came and returned my power as far as they could, 
they did actually the greater part of them, into my 
own hands, professing and believing that the issue of 
that meeting would have been the subversion of the 
laws and of all the liberties of this nation, the de- 
struction of the Ministry of this nation, in a word the 
confusion of all things and [instead of order] 1 to set 
up the judicial law of Moses in abrogation of all our 
administrations, to have been administered the judi- 
cial law of Moses, pro hie et nunc, according to the 
wisdom of any man that would have interpreted the 
text this way or that way. And if you do not believe 
that they were sent home by the major part, who 
were judicious and sober, and feared 2 the worst upon 
this account, and with my consent also, a parte post 
you will believe nothing. For the persons that led 
in the meeting were 3 Mr. Feak and his meeting in 
Blackfriars, Major-General Harrison and those that 
associated with him at one Mr. Squibb's house ; and 
there were all the resolutions taken that were acted 
in that House day by day ; and this was so de facto, 
I know [it] 4 to be true. And that this must be the 
product of it, I do but appeal to that book I told you 
of the other day, that all Magistracy and Ministry is 
Antichristian, and therefore all [these] l things ought 

1 Monarchy Asserted. 2 ' learned,' Ibid. 

3 ' lead ' and ' where ' in Ibid. * Ibid ; ' be to be' in text. 



330 APRIL 21, 1657 

to be abolished ; which we are certain must have been 
the issue of that meeting. 

So that you have been delivered, if I think right, 
from two evils. The one evil a secular evil, that 
would have swallowed up all civil interest and put 
us under the most horrid arbitrariness that ever was 
exercised in the world, that we might have [had] l 
five hundred or six hundred friends, with their friends, 
to have had a judgement of all causes, and to have 
judged without a rule, thinking that the power that 
swallowed up all the other lawful powers in the 
nation, hath all the power that ever they had, both 
a Legislative and a Judiciary. This, I say, would 
have swallowed up the civil interest 2 . And the other, 
merely under a spiritual interest, had swallowed up 
again [in another extreme] 1 all our religious interest, 
all our Ministry, and [all] 1 the things we are be- 
holden to God for. Truly we think we ought to 
value this interest above all the interests in the 
world ; but if this latter had not been as sure de- 
stroyed as the former, I understand nothing. And 
having told you these two things, truly I must needs 
say it makes me in love with this Paper and with all 
things in it, and with these additions that I have to 
tender to you, and with settlement above all things 
in the world, except that where I left you the last 
time ; and for that I think we have debated. I have 



1 Monarchy Asserted 

2 1 1 say, that which swallows both the civil and religious interest,' Ibid., 
ichere the two evils are hopelessly confused. 



APRIL 21, 1657 331 

heard your mind and you have heard mine. I have told 
you my heart and my judgement, and the Lord bring 
forth his own issue. I think we are not now to con- 
sider what we are on the foot of government which 
called this Parliament, which, till there be an end put 
to it, is that that hath existence. And I shall say 
nothing to that. If that 1 accomplisheth the end of 
our fighting and all these blessed and good ends that 
we should aim at, if it do, I would we might have 
that [and remain where we are ; if it do not, I would 
we might have that] 2 which is better. Why 3 truly 
I now come out of myself to tell you, that as [to] 2 
the substance and body of your Instrument I do look 
[upon] 2 it as having things in it, if I may speak 
freely and plainly, — I may, and we all may, — I say 
the things that are provided for in this Instrument 4 
have the liberty of the people of God so as they 
have never had [it] 2 , and he must be a pitiful man 
that thinks the people of God ever had that liberty, 
either de facto or de jure. That is to say, de jure 
from God I think they have had it from the begin- 
ning of the world to this day, and have it still ; but 
asserted by a jus humanum, I say they never had it 
so, as they have it now. And I think you have 
provided for the liberty of the people of God and of 
the nation ; and I say, he sings sweetly that sings 
a song of reconciliation betwixt these two interests, 
and it is a pitiful fancy, and wild and ignorant 5 , to 

1 i.e. the existing frame of government. 2 Monarchy Asserted. 

3 ' which,' Ibid. * ' Government,' Ibid. 5 * wisdom and ignorance,' Ibid. 



332 APRIL 21, 1657 

think they are inconsistent. They may consist, and 
I speak my conscience, I think in this government 
you have made them to consist, and therefore I must 
say in that and in other things, you have provided 
well ; that you have. And because I see the Vote 1 
of the Parliament gives you leave to speak with me 
about the particulars, I think the Parliament doth 
think that any Member they have is not to be 
neglected in offering of anything that may be of 
additional good, and upon that accompt I have a 
little surveyed the Instrument. I have a Paper here 
to offer you upon that account, and truly I must 
needs say and think, that in such a case as this is, in 
so new a work and so strange a work as this is that 
is before you, it will not be thought ill of. I do with 
a little earnestness press you to some explanations that 
may help to complete 2 and leave me satisfied ; for 
it is only handled with me, this transaction is only 
handled with me at this time, [and] with you and 
the Parliament, whom you represent. I say, I would 
be glad that you might leave me and all opposers 
without excuse, as well as that I could wish that you 
should settle this nation to the uttermost good of it 
in all things. The things I have to offer to you, they 
are not very weighty, they may tend to the com- 
pletion 3 of the business, and therefore I shall take the 
freedom to read them to you. 

In the fourth Article and second paragraph, you 

1 ' root,' Monarchy Asserted. a ' contemplate,' Ibid. 

3 ' complexion,' Ibid. 



APRIL 21, 1657 333 

have something under that head that respects the 
calling of Members of Parliament. You would not 
exclude those that were under Duke Hamilton in 
that invasion because it hath been said to you perhaps, 
that if you exclude all those, you shall have no 
Members from Scotland. I hope there be persons 
of that nation that will be ready to give a better 
testimony of their country than to admit of that 
argument ; and I hope it is none. But if it be one, 
then truly 1 upon that uncertainty of the qualifica- 
tions you should indeed [not] exclude men of your 
own country perhaps upon lesser crimes, and hold 
them off upon stricter characters, [if] it is thought 
that that qualification [suffices], that saith that the 
testimony that they shall have [is] that they are 
men that have given good testimony in their peaceable 
and quiet living. Why truly for diverse years they 
have not been willing to do other ; they have not had 
an easy possibility to do otherwise, to live unquietly ; 
though perhaps [they] have been the same men 
many of them, [that have borne arms against us, 
and] though I know many of them are good men 
[and] worthy men. And therefore whether it be not 
fit in that place to explain somewhat else, and put 
some other character upon it, that may be accounted 
a good testimony of their being otherwise minded 
and of their being of another judgement. I confess 
I have not anything here to supply it with, but 
certainly if it should be so, as it is in your Article, 

1 ' then truly to meet with the least upon that certainty,' Monarchy Asserted. 



334 APRIL 21, 1657 

though they be never so indisposed and enemies, and 
remain so. yet if they have lived peaceably where 
they could neither will nor choose, they are to be 
admitted. I only tell you so, being without any 
amendment for it, and when I have done I shall 
offer the whole to you. This is the second paragraph. 

In the third paragraph of the same Article, whereas 
it is said that [no] persons in Ireland be made un- 
capable to elect or be elected that, before the first 
of March, 1649, have borne arms for the Parliament 
[or] ] otherwise given testimony of their good affec- 
tions and continued faithful to the Parliament 2 , 
whether it be not necessary that it be more clearly 
expressed, it seeming to capacitate all those who have 
revolted from the Parliament, if they have borne 
arms for the State before the first of March, 1649. 
It seems to restore them, but if since then they have 
revolted, as many of our English-Irish I doubt have 
done, why then the question is, whether these men, 
who have very lately been angry and fled to arms, 
whether you will think their having borne arms 
formerly on the Parliament's side should be an exemp- 
tion to them. That is but tendered to you, that some 
worthy person here will give an answer unto. 

In the fifth paragraph of the same Article, you 
have incapacitated public preachers from sitting in 
Parliament, and truly I think that your intention is, 

1 Monarchy Asserted ; ' having not ' in text. 

2 Text continues ' or are since revolted,' which may begin next sentence 
' If they are since revolted, whether . . . . ' 



APRIL 21, 1657 335 

that such as have a Pastoral function, such as are 
actually and really Ministers. For I must say to 
you in the behalf of our Army, in their next place 
to their fighting they have been very good preachers, 
and I should be sorry they should be excluded from 
serving the Commonwealth because they have been 
accustomed to preach to their troops, companies, and 
regiments, which I think have been one of the best 
blessings upon them to the carrying on of the great 
work. I think you do not mean so, but I tender it to 
you, that if you think fit there may be a consideration 
had of it. There may be some of us, it may be, that 
have been a little guilty of that, who would be loth 
to be excluded from sitting in Parliament. 

In the same paragraph there is care taken for the 
nominating the Commissioners to try the Members 
which are chosen to sit in Parliament ; and truly 
those Commissioners are uncertain persons and it 
is hard to say what may happen. I hope they will 
always be good men, but if they should be bad, then 
perhaps they will keep out good men. Besides we 
think truly, if you will give us leave to help, as to 
the freedom of Parliament it will be something that 
will go rather harshly down, rather than otherwise. 
Very many reasons might be given, but I do not 1 
tender it to you. I think if there be no Com- 
missioners, it would be never a whit the worse, but 
if you make qualifications, if any man will pre- 
sume to sit without those qualifications, you may 

1 ' but,' Monarchy Asserted. 



336 

deal with them. A man without his qualifications 
sitting there, is as if he be not chosen ; and if he sit 
without being chosen, [and so without a qualifica- 
tion] *, I am sure the old custom was to send him to 
the Tower, to imprison such a one, if any man sit 
there that have not right to sit there. If any stranger 
come in upon a pretended title of election, then 
perhaps it was a different case, if any sit there upon 
pretence of a qualification upon him, you may send 
him to prison without any more ado. Whether you 
think fit to do so or no, it is a Parliamentary business ; 
I do but hint it to you. I believe if any man had 
sat in former Parliaments, that had not taken the 
oaths prescribed, it would have been fault enough. 
I believe something of that kind would be equivalent 
to any other way, if not better. 

In that Article, which I think is the fifth Article, 
which concerns the nomination of the other House, 
it is in the beginning of that Article, that the House 
is to be nominated, as you design it, [by his Highness] 
and the approbation is to be from this House, I would 
say [to be] * from the Parliament ; is it not so ? 
But then now, if any shall be subsequently named 
[by his Highness], after this House is sat, upon any 
accidental removal or death, you do not say. Though 
it seems to refer to the same [method] that [the 
paragraph as to] the first election doth, yet it doth 
not refer clearly to this, that the nomination shall be 
where it was, in the Chief Officer, and the approbation 

1 Monarchy Asserted. 



APRIL 21, 1657 337 

in the other House. If I do not express it clearly, 
I hope you will pardon me, but I think that is the 
aim of it ; it is not clearly expressed there as I think. 
You will be able to judge whether it be or no. 

In the seventh Article, that which concerns the 
revenue, that is the revenue that you have appointed 
to the government, you have distributed 300,000 
pounds of it to the maintenance of the civil autho- 
rity, [1,000,000] * pounds to be distributed to the main- 
tenance of your forces by sea and land. You have 
indeed said it in your Instrument, and we cannot 
doubt of it, but yet you have not made it certain, 
nor yet of temporary supplies which are intended for 
the peace and safety of the nations. It is desired 
that you would take it into your thoughts, and make 
both those certain both as to the sum and time, that 
those supplies shall be continued. And truly I hope 
I do not curry favour with you, but it is desired, and 
I may very reasonably desire, that these monies, what- 
ever they are, that they may not, — if God shall bring 
me to any interest in this business, which lieth in his 
own power, — that these monies may not be issued 
out by the authority of the Chief Magistrate, but by 
the advice of his Council ; seeing you have in your 
Instrument made a co-ordination in general terms, 
[I desire] that this might be a reserved thing, that 
the monies might not be distributed [save in this 
manner]. It will be a safety to whomsoever is your 
supreme Magistrate, as well as security to the public, 

1 Monarchy Asserted ; 100,000 in text. 
Z 



338 APRIL 21, 1657 

that the monies might be issued out by the advice of 
the Council ; and that the Treasurers that receive the 
money may be accountable every Parliament, within 
a certain time limited by yourselves, [that] every new 
Parliament the Treasurer may be accountable to the 
Parliament for the disposing of the treasure. 

And there is mention made of the Judges in the 
ninth Article. It is mentioned that the Officers of 
State and the Judges are to be chosen by the appro- 
bation of the Parliament. If there be no Parliament 
sitting, if there be never so great loss of Judges, it 
cannot be supplied. And whether you do not intend, 
that it should be [by the choice] x [of the Chief 
Magistrate] with the consent of Council, in the in- 
tervals of Parliament, to be afterwards approved by 
Parliament. 

The thirteenth Article relates to several qualifica- 
tions that persons must be qualified with, that are 
put into places of public office and trust. Now if 
men shall step into public places and trust, that are 
not so qualified, they may not execute it ; and an 
1 office of trust ' is a very large word, it goeth almost 
to a constable ; if not altogether, it goeth far. Now if 
any shall come that are not so qualified, they certainly 
do commit a breach upon your rule, and whether you 
will not think in this case, that if any shall take upon 
them an office of trust, that a penalty shall be put 
upon them. When 2 he is excepted by the general 
rule, whether you will not think it fit, in 3 that 

1 Monarchy Asserted. 2 ' where,' Hid. 3 ' fitting that * Ibid. 



APRIL 21, 1657 889 

respect, to deter men from accepting of offices and 
places of trust contrary to that Article. 

The next [thing I shall speak to] is fetched in 
I may say in some respects by head and shoulders in 
your Instrument, yet in some respects it hath affinity 
with it. I may say I think [it] is within your Order 
[to confer] upon this account ; I am sure of it- 1 . 
There is a mention, in the last part of your Instru- 
ment, of your purpose to do many good things, I am 
confident not like the gentleman that made his last 
will and set down a great number of the names of men 
that should receive benefit by him, and there was no 
sum at the latter end. I am confident that you are 
resolved to deal effectually in the thing at the latter end. 
and I should wrong my own conscience 2 , if I should 
think otherwise. I hope you will think sincerely as 
before God, that the laws must be regulated ; I hope 
you will. We have been often talking of them, and 
I remember well, in the old Parliament, that we were 
more than three months and could not get over the 
word c; incumbrances." And then we thought there 
was little hope of regulating the Law, when there was 
such a difficulty at 3 that. But surely the laws need 
to be regulated ? And I must needs say, I think it is 
a sacrifice acceptable to God upon many accounts, 
and I am persuaded it is one thing that God looks for 
and would have. I confess, if any man would ask 
me, Why, how would you have it done 1 I confess I do 
not know how. But I think verily at the least, the 

1 Repeated in Monarchy Asserted. 2 ' confidence,' Ibid. 3 ' as' Ibid. 

Z 2 



340 APRIL 21, 1657 

delays in suits and the excessiveness in fees, and the 
costliness of suits, and those various things, that I do 
not know what names they bear, — I have heard talk 
of " demurrers " and such like things as I scarce 
know, — but I say certainly, that the people are 
greatly suffering in this respect ; they are so. And 
truly if this whole business of settlement, whatsoever 
the issue of it shall be, [if] [it] l comes, as I am per- 
suaded [that] 1 it doth, as a thing that would please 
God by a sacrifice in, or rather as an expression of 
our thankfulness to God, I am persuaded that this 
will be the one thing that will be upon your hearts, 
to do something that is honourable and effectual 
in it. 

That truly, I say, that is not in your Instrument 
[is] 2 somewhat that relates to the reformation of 
manners. You will pardon me my fellow soldiers 
that were raised 3 upon the just occasion of the insur- 
rection, not only to secure the peace of the nation, 
but to see that persons, that were least likely to help 
on peace or continue it but rather to break it, [were 
careful of their behaviour], dissolute and loose per- 
sons that can go up and down from house to house ; 
and they are gentlemen's sons that have nothing to 
live on, and cannot be supposed to live to the profit 
of the Commonwealth. Which I think had a good 
course taken with them ; and I think that which was 
done to them was honourably, and honestly, and pro- 
fitably done. And for my own part, I must needs 

1 Monarchy Asserted. 2 ' in ' in text. 3 Major- Generals. 



APRIL 21, 1657 341 

say it shewed the dissoluteness that was then in the 
nation ; as indeed it springs most from that part of 
the Cavaliers, [it shewed what was like to happen] 
should that party run on, and no care be taken to 
reform the nation, to prevent abuses that will not 
perhaps fall under this consideration. We can send 
our children into France before they know God or 
good manners, and return with all the licentiousness 
of that nation ; neither care taken to educate them 
before they go, nor to keep them in good order when 
they come home. Indeed this makes the nation, not 
only to commit those abominable things among us, in- 
human things, but hardens men to justify those things, 
and, as the Apostle saith, not only to do wickedness 
themselves, but take pleasure in them that do so. 
And truly if something be not done in this kind, 
without sparing any condition of men, without sparing 
men's sons though they be noblemen's sons, let them 
be who they will, if debauched 1 it is for the glory of 
God that nothing: of outward consideration should 
save them in their debauchery from a just punish- 
ment and reformation. And truly I must needs say 
it, I would as much bless God to see something done 
as to that heartily, upon this account, not only to 
those persons mentioned but to all the nation, that 
some course might be taken for reformation, that 
there might be some stop put to such a current of 
wickedness and evil as that is. And truly, to do it 
heartily, and nobly, and worthily, the nobility of 

1 ' deboist,' Monarchy Asserted. 



342 APRIL 21, 1657 

this nation especially, and the gentry, will have 
cause to bless you. And likewise [I would] that 
some care might be taken, that those good laws 
already made for the punishing of vice may be 
effectually put in execution. This I must needs say 
for our Major- Generals that do you service, I think it 
was excellent good service, I profess I do. And 
I hope you will not think it unworthy of you [to 
consider] that, when you have seen that though you 
have good laws against the common country disorders 
that are everywhere, who is there to execute them 1 
Really a Justice of Peace shall from the most be won- 
dered at as an owl, if he go but one step out of the 
ordinary course of his fellow Justices in the reforma- 
tion of these things. And therefore I hope I may 
represent that to you, as a thing worthy of your 
consideration, that something may be found out to 
suppress such things. I am persuaded you would 
glorify God in it, as much as any one thing you can 
do, I think so 1 ; you will pardon me. 

I cannot tell in this Article, that I am now to 
speak unto, whether I speak to anything or nothing. 
There is a desire that the Public Revenue be not 
alienated, but by the consent of Parliament. I doubt 
Public Revenue is like Cuttodes Libertatis Angliae ; 
that is a notion only, and not to be found that I know 
of. But if there be any, and God bless us in our 
settlement, there will be Public Revenue accruing, 
and whether you will subject this to any alienation 

1 ' and so I think,' Monarchy Asserted. 



APRIL 21, 1657 343 

without the consent of Parliament, is that which is 
offered to you. 

Truly [a] * thing that I have further to offer to 
you, it is last in this paper, and that is a thing that 
is mentioned in the sixteenth Article, that you would 
have those Acts and Ordinances that have been made 
since the late troubles, during the time of them, that 
they should, if they be not contrary to this Advice, 
remain in such force and manner, as if this Advice 
had not been given. Why that that is doubted is, 
whether or no this will be sufficient to keep things in 
a settled condition ; because it is but an implication, 
it is not determined, but you do pass by the thing 
without such a determination 2 as will keep those 
people which are now in possession of estates upon 
this account, that their titles may be questioned and 
shaken if it be not explained. And truly I do believe 
you intended very fully in this business. If the 
words already do not suffice, that I submit to your 
own advisement, but there is in this a very great 
consideration. There have been since the government 
several Acts and Ordinances, that have been made 
by the exercise of that legislative power that was 
exercised since we undertook this government, and 
I think your Instrument speaks a little more faintly 
to these and dubiously than to the other. And truly 
I will not apologize for anything but surely two 
persons, two sorts of men, will be nearly concerned 

1 Text not clear ; * this ' in Monarchy Asserted. 

2 'foundation,' Ibid. 



344 APRIL 21, 1657 

upon this account, that is, those who [have] l exercised 
[that power], and the persons who are the objects of 
that exercise. It dissettles them wholly, if you be 
not clear in your expressions in this business, [and] it 
will dissettle us very much to think that the Parlia- 
ment doth not approve well of what hath been done 
upon a true ground of necessity, as far as it hath 
saved this nation from running into total arbitrariness, 
or [from being] subjected to any sort of men that 
would perhaps have lorded it too much over their 
brethren. We think we have in that thing deserved 
well of the State. If any man will ask me, But ah ! 
sir, what have you done since? Why [ah! as] 2 
I will confess my fault where I am guilty, so I think, 
taking the things as they were, I think we did the 
Commonwealth service ! And we have in that made 
great settlements ; that we have ! We have settled 
almost the whole affairs of Ireland, the rights and 
interest of the soldiers there, and of the planters and 
adventurers. And truly we have settled very much 
of the business of the Ministry, and I could wish that 
that be not to some the gravamen 3 , I wish it be not. 
But I must needs say, if I have anything to rejoin 4 
before the Lord in this world as having done any 
good or service, I can say it from my heart, and 
I know I say the truth, that it hath been, — let any 
man say what he will to the contrary, he will give me 
leave to enjoy my own opinion in it, and conscience, 

1 'are' in text. 2 Monarchy Asserted. 

3 ' grave men,' Ibid. * ' rejoice,' Ibid. 



APRIL 21, 1657 345 

and heart, — I dare bear my testimony to it, there 
hath not been such a service to England since the 
Christian religion was professed T in England. I dare 
be bold to say it, however here and there there may 
have been passion and mistakes. And the Ministers 
themselves, take the generality of them, they will tell 
you it is the Institution 2 [of Triers that hath done this]. 
And we did take [to] it upon that account, and we did 
not think to do that which we did virtute Instituti, 
as jure divino, but as a civil good ; so we did in this 
thing. We know not better how to keep the Ministry 
good and to augment it to goodness, than to put such 
men to be Triers, men of known integrity and piety, 
orthodox men and faithful ; we know not how better 
to answer our duty to God and the nation, and the 
people of God in that respect, than in doing what we 
did. And I dare say, if the grounds upon which we 
went will not justify us, the issue and event of it 
doth abundantly justify us ; God having had ex- 
ceeding glory by it, in the generality of it, I am 
confident fortyfold. For as heretofore the men that 
have been admitted into the Ministry in times of 
Episcopacy, — alas, what pitiful certificates served to 
make a man a Minister! If any man could under- 
stand Latin and Greek, it was as if he spake Welsh, 
he was sure to be admitted, which I think in those 
days went for Hebrew with a great many. But 
certainly the poorest thing in the world would serve 
the turn, and a man was admitted upon such an 

1 ' perfect,' Monarchy Asserted. 2 ' besides the instructions.' Ibid. 



346 APRIL 21, 1657 

account ; aye, and [upon] 1 a less ! I am sure the 
admission that hath been to those places since, hath 
been under this character as the rule, that they must 
not admit a man unless they be able to discern some 
of the grace of God in him ; [a qualification] which 
was so put too, as [that] it was not foolishly or 
senselessly [enforced], but so far as men could judge 
according to the rules of charity ; but such a man 
whose good life and conversation they could have 
a very good testimony of, four or five of the neigh- 
bour Ministers who knew him, [they would try,] 
nor would they admit him unless he could give a 
very good testimony of the grace of God in him. 
And to this I say, I must speak my conscience in it, 
[it was an excellent good thing], though a great many 
are angry at it 2 . And how shall you please every- 
body ? Then say some, none must be admitted 
except perhaps he will be baptized. This is their 
opinion, they will not admit a man into a congrega- 
tion except he be so, much less to be a Minister. The 
Presbyterian, he will not admit him except he will 
be ordained. Generally they will not go to the Inde- 
pendents. Truly I think, if I may not be thought 
partial, I think if there be a freedom of judgement, it 
is there. Here are three sorts of godly men that you 
are to take care for, and that you [have] 1 provided 
for in your settlement ; and how could you now put 
it to the Presbyterian, but you must have done it 
with a possibility of the exclusion of all those of 

1 Monarchy Asserted. 2 Ibid, adds ' all are angry at it.' 



APRIL 21, 1657 347 

Anabaptisni, and of the Independents. And now we 
have put it into the way, that if a man be of any of 
these judgements, if he have the root of the matter in 
him, he may be admitted. This hath been our care 
and work by some Ordinances of ours, both laying 
the foundations of it, and many hundreds of Ministers 
being in upon it ; and if this be a time of settlement, 
then I hope it is not a time of shaking. And there- 
fore I hope you will be pleased to settle this business, 
that you will neither shake the persons that have 
been poorly instrumental to call you to this oppor- 
tunity of settling this nation and doing good to it, 
nor shake those honest men's interests that have been 
thus settled, considering so much good hath been 
wrought by them. And so I have done with the 
offers to you. 

But here is somewhat that is indeed exceedingly 
past my understanding, for I have as little skill in 
Arithmetic as I have in the Law. There are great 
sums ; it is well if I can count them to you. The 
present charge of the forces both by sea and land, 
including the government, will be 2,426,989 pounds. 
The whole present revenue in England, Scotland, and 
Ireland is 1,900,000 pounds ; I think this was reckoned 
at the most, as now the revenue stands. Why now 
towards this, you settle by your Instrument 1,300,000 
pounds for the government, and upon that account to 
maintain the force by land and sea ; and this without 
Land Tax, I think. And this is short of the revenue 
that now may be raised by the present government, 



348 APRIL 21, 1657 

600,000 pounds. [I hope you will so far remedy this,] 
because you see [even now] the present government 
is 1,900,000 pounds, and the whole sum [which] l now 
may be raised comes short of the present charge, 
542,689 pounds ! And although an end should be put 
to the Spanish war, yet there will be a necessity for 
the preservation of the peace of the three nations, to 
keep up the present established Army in England, 
Scotland, and Ireland, and also a considerable fleet for 
some good time, until it shall please God to quiet and 
compose men's minds and bring the nation to some 
better consistency. So that considering the pay of the 
Army, coming to upwards [1,000,000] 2 pounds, and 
the government 300,000 pounds, it will be necessary 
that for some convenient time, seeing you find things 
as you do, — and it is not good to think a wound 
healed, before it be, — that there should be raised over 
and above 1,300,000 pounds, the sum of 600,000 
pounds per annum, which makes up the sum of 
1 ,900,000 pounds ; and that likewise the Parliament 
declare how far they will carry on the Spanish war, 
and for what time, and what further sum they will 
raise for the carrying on the same, and for what time. 
And if these things be not ascertained, as one saith, 
money is the cause, certainly whatever the cause is, 
if money be wanting the business will fall to the 
ground and all our labours will be lost. And there- 
fore I hope you will have an especial care of this 

1 Monarchy Asserted. 2 1,100 000 in text 



APRIL 21, 1657 349 

particular 1 . And indeed having received such large 
expressions from you, we may believe, we need but 
offer these things to you, that these things will be 
cared for. And these things have all of them been 
made overture of to you and are before you, and so 
hath likewise the consideration of the debts, which 
truly I think are apparent. 

And so I have done with what I have to offer to 
you, I think I have truly on my part, until I shall 
understand wherein it is in me 2 to do further, and 
when I shall understand your pleasure in these things 
a little further. We have answered the Order of 
Parliament in considering and debating of those things, 
that were the subject-matter of debate and considera- 
tion; and when you will be pleased to let me hear 
further of your thoughts in these things, then I sup- 
pose I shall be in a condition to discharge myself as 
God shall enable me. And I speak not this to evade, 
but I speak it in the fear and reverence of God, and 
I say plainly and clearly [I hope], when you shall 
have been pleased among yourselves to take con- 
sideration of these things, that I may hear what your 
thoughts are of them. I do not say it as a condition 
to anything, but I shall be very ready, freely, and 
honestly and plainly, to discharge myself of what in 
the whole, upon the whole, may reasonably be ex- 
pected from me, as God shall set me free to answer 
you in.' 

1 ' a care of our undertakings,'' Monarchy Asserted. 
1 * where it own me,' Ibid. 



350 MA Y 8, 1657 



45. 

- The humble Petition and Advice.' Speech to the House 
of Commons in the Banqueting-House at "Whitehall, 
Friday, May 8, 1657. 

'Mr. Speaker, 

I come hither to answer that that was in your 
last Paper to your Committee you sent to me : which 
was in relation to the desires which were offered to 
me by the House, in that they called their Petition. 

I confess, that business hath put the House, the 
Parliament, to a great deal of trouble, and spent much 
time. I am very sorry for that. It hath cost me 
some, and some thoughts : and because I have been 
the unhappy occasion of the expense of so much 
time, I shall spend little of it now. 

I have, the best I can, resolved the whole business 
in my thoughts : and I have said so much already in 
testimony to the whole, that I think I shall not need 
to repeat anything that I have said. I think it is 
a government that 1 , in the aims of it, seeks the 
settling the nation on a good foot, in relation to 
civil rights and liberties, which are the rights of the 
nation. And I hope I shall never be found to be one 
of them that go about to rob the nation of those 
rights, but [shall ever be found] to serve them, what 
I can, to the attaining of them. It is also exceeding 
well provided there for the safety and security of 

1 Clarke MS., ' I believe it is that which in the aim of it is for the settling 
of the nation upon a good foot.' 



MA Y 8, 1657 351 

honest men, in that great, natural, and religious 
liberty, which is liberty of conscience l . These are 
the great fundamentals: and I must bear my testi- 
mony to them, — as I have, and shall do so still, so 
long as God lets me live in this [world] 2 , — that the 
intentions [of] 3 the things are very honourable and 
honest, and the product worthy of a Parliament. 

I have only had the unhappiness, — both in my 
conferences with your Committees 4 , and in the best 
thoughts I could take to myself, — not to be convinced 
of the necessity of that thing, that hath been so often 
insisted on by you, to wit, the title of King, as in 
itself so necessary, as it seems to be apprehended by 
[yourselves] 5 . And yet I do, with all honour and 
respect to the judgement of a Parliament, testify that. 
caeteris paribus, no private judgement is to lie in 
the balance with the judgement of Parliament. But, 
in things that respect particular persons, every man 
that is to give an account to God of his actions, he 
must, in some measure, be able to prove his own 
work, and to have an approbation in 6 his own con- 
science of that, that he is to do, or to forbear. And, 
whilst you are granting others liberties, surely you 

1 Clarke MS., ' provided for as to the safety and security of honest men in 
the liberty of their consciences.' 3 * word ' in text. 

3 'and ' in text. Clarke MS. reads 'your intentions the thing.' MS. 
Adds. Ayscough, ' of 

4 ' Committee ' in Clarke MS. 

5 ' yourself in text. Clarke MS. reads ' that the title of King was in itself 
so necessary as it seemed to be apprehended by yourselves. And yet ... ' 
MS. Adds. Ayscovgh, reads ' yourselves.' 

6 'of,' Clarke MS. 



352 MA Y 8, 1657 

will not deny me this ? It l being not only a liberty, 
but a duty, — and such a duty as I cannot, without 
sinning, forbear, — to examine mine own heart, and 
thoughts, and judgement, in every work which I am 
to set my hand to, or to appear in, or for. I must 
confess therefore, that thou oh I do acknowledge all 
the other [particulars] 2 , yet I must be a little con- 
fident in this, that, what with the circumstances that 
accompany human actions, — whether they be circum- 
stances of time or persons, whether circumstances that 
relate to the whole, or private or particular circum- 
stances, that compass 3 any person that is to render 
an account of his own actions, — I have truly thought, 
and do still think, that if I should at the best do any- 
thing on this account, to answer your expectation, at 
the best I should do it doubtingly. And certainly 
what is so [done], is not of faith ; and whatsoever is 
not so, — whatsoever is not of faith, — is sin to him 
that doth it. Whether it be with relation to the sub- 
stance of the action about which that consideration is 
conversant, or whether to circumstances about it, [it 
is that consideration] which makes all indifferent 
actions good or evil, — I say [in whatever] circum- 
stances, — and truly I mean good or evil to him that 
doth [them] \ I lying under this consideration, 
think it my duty [to let you know] 2 , — only I could 
have wished I had done it sooner, for the sake of the 
House, who hath laid so infinite obligations on me, 

1 • which is not only,' Clarke MS. - Ibid. 

3 MS, Adds. Ayscough, l accompany.' * Ibid.; 'it' in text. 



MA Y 25, 1657 353 

I wish I had done it sooner for [their] 1 sake, and for 
saving time and trouble ; and indeed, for the Com- 
mittee's sake, to whom I must acknowledge publicly 
I have been unreasonably troublesome, I say I could 
have wished I had given it sooner, — [that] 2 truly 
this is my answer, that, although I think the govern- 
ment 3 doth consist of very excellent parts, in all but 
that one thing, the title, as to me, I should not be 
an honest man if I should not tell you, that I can- 
not accept 4 of the government, nor undertake the 
trouble and charge of it : which I have a little more 
experimented than everybody, what troubles and diffi- 
culties do befall men under such trusts, and in such 
undertakings. I say, I am persuaded [therefore] 5 to 
return this answer to you, that I cannot undertake 
this government with that title of King. And that is 
my answer to this great weighty business V 



46. 

1 The humble Petition and Advice.' Speech to the House 
of Commons in the Painted Chamber, after giving 
consent, Monday, May 25, 1657. 

'Mr. Speaker, 

I desire to offer a word or two unto you : which 
shall be but a word. 

I did well bethink myself, before I came hither this 

1 Clarke MS. ; ' your ' in text and MS. Adds. AyscougJi. 

2 Clarke MS. ; ' but' in text and MS. Adds. Ayscough. 

3 Clarke MS. reads * government propounded doth consist of excellent 
things all but in that very thing of the title.' 

* ' accept,' Ibid. 5 Ibid. 6 ■ affair,' Ibid. 

A a 



354 MA Y 25, 1657 

day, that I came not as to a triumph, but, with the 
most serious thoughts that ever I had in all my life, 
to undertake one of the greatest tasks l that ever was 
laid upon the back of a 2 human creature. And I make 
no question, but you will, and so will all men, readily 
agree with me, that, without the support of the 
Almighty, I shall necessarily sink under the burden of 
it ; not only with shame and reproach to myself, but, 
— with that that is more a thousand times, and in 
comparison of which I and my family are not worthy 
to be mentioned, — with the loss and prejudice of these 
three nations. And that being so, I must ask your 
help, and the help of all those that fear God, that, by 
their prayers, I may receive assistance from the hand 
of God. His presence, going along, will enable to the 
discharge of so great a duty and trust as this is, and 
nothing else. 

Howbeit I have some other things to desire [of] 3 
you, I mean of the Parliament: that, seeing this 
is but, as it were, an introduction to the carrying 
on of the government of these nations, and forasmuch 
as there are many things which cannot be supplied for 
the enabling to the carrying on of this work, without 
your help and assistance, I think it is my duty to ask 
your help in them. Not that I doubted 4 ; for I be- 
lieve the same spirit that hath led you to this, will 
easily suggest the rest to you. The truth is, — and 

1 ' burthens ' in Public Intelligencer. 2 ' any' MS. Adds. Ayscough. 

3 Clarke MS. and MS. Adds. Ayscough. 
* * doubt ' in MS. Adds. Ayscough. 



MA Y 25, 1657 355 

I can say [it] in the presence of God, — that nothing 
would have induced me to have undertaken this in- 
supportable burden to flesh and blood, had it not been 
that I have seen in this Parliament all along, a care 
of doing all those things that might truly and really 
answer the ends that have been engaged for. You 
have satisfied l your forwardness and readiness therein 
very fully already. 

I thought it my duty, — when your Committee, which 
you were pleased to send to me, [lately came] 2 to 
give the grounds and reasons of your proceedings, to 
help 3 my conscience and judgement, — I was then bold 
to offer to them several considerations, which were 
received by them, and hath been presented to you. In 
answer to which* the Committee did bring several 
resolves of yours, which I have by me. I think those 
are not yet made so authentic and authoritative as 
was desired, and therefore though I cannot doubt it, 
yet I thought it my duty to ask it of you, that there 
may be a perfecting of those things. Indeed as I said 
before, I have my witness in the sight of God, that 
nothing w T ould have been an argument to me, — howso- 
ever desirable 4 great places may seem to be to other 
men, — I say nothing would have been an argument 
to me to have undertaken this, but, as I said before, 
I saw such things determined by you, as [make] 5 

1 Clarke MS. l testified,' and MS. Adds. Ayscough. 

2 Public Intelligencer. 

3 Clarke MS. l satisfy'; MS. Adds. Ayscough, ' according to my.' 

4 MS. Adds. Ayscough, ' unto me, how desirable soever.' 

5 Public Intelligencer and MS. Adds. Ayscough ; ' makes ' in text. 

A a 2 



356 JUNE 9, 1657 

clearly for the liberty of the nations, and for the 
liberty, and interest, and preservation of 1 all such as 
fear God, of all that fear God under various forms. 
And if God make not these nations thankful to you 
for your care therein, it will fall as a sin on their 
heads. And therefore I say that hath been one main 
encouragement. 

I confess there are other things that tend to refor- 
mation, to the discountenancing of vice, to the en- 
couragement of good men, and virtue : and the com- 
pleting of those things also [I look forward to]. 
Concerning some of which you have not yet resolved 
anything, save to let me know by your Committee, 
that you would not be wanting in anything [that 
might make] 2 for the good of these- nations. Nor do 
I speak it, as in the least doubting it, but I do 
earnestly and heartily desire, — to the end God may 
crown your work, and bless you, and this govern- 
ment, — that, in your own time, and with what speed 
you judge fit, these things may be provided for.' 

47. 

To the House of Commons, in the Painted Chamber, 
Tuesday, June 9, 1657. 

'Mr. Speaker, 

I perceive, that, among these many Acts of 
Parliament, there hath been a very great care had by 
the Parliament to provide for the just and necessary 

1 Clarke MS. reads l of all such as fear God under various forms,' and 
MS. Adds. Ayscough. a Public Intelligencer. 



JAN. 20, 1658 357 

support of the Commonwealth, by those Bills for the 
Levying of Money, now brought to me, which I have 
given my consent unto. 

Understanding it hath been the practice of those 
who have been Chief Governors, to acknowledge with 
thanks to the Commons their care and regard of the 
public, I do very heartily and thankfully acknowledge 
their kindness herein.' 

48. 

The Lord Protector's Speech to the two Houses of Par- 
liament, in the House of Lords, Wednesday, Jan. 20, 
165f. 

' My Lords, and Gentlemen of the House of Com- 
mons, 

I meet your here in this capacity, by the Ad- 
vice and Petition of this present Parliament, after so 
much expense of blood and treasure, to search and 
try what blessings God hath in store for these 
nations. 

I cannot but with gladness of heart remember and 
acknowledge the labour and industry that is past, 
which hath been spent upon a business worthy of 
the best men, and the best Christians. It is very 
well known unto you all, what difficulties we have 
passed through, and what we are now arrived to 1 . 
We hope we may say we have arrived at what we 
aimed at, if not at that which is much beyond our 
expectations. 

1 Harleian MS. ' and at what we are now arrived.' 



358 JAN. 20, 1658 

The state of this cause, and the quarrel, what that 
was at the first, you all very well know : I am per- 
suaded most of you have been actors in it. It was 
the maintaining of the liberty of these nations ; 
our civil liberties, as men ; our spiritual liberties, as 
Christians. I shall not much look back, but rather 
say one word concerning the state and condition we 
are all now in. 

You know very well, the first Declaration after the 
beginning of this war, that spake to the life, was 
a sense held forth by the Parliament, that, for some 
succession of time, designs were laid to innovate upon 
the civil rights of the nations, to innovate in matters of 
religion. And those very persons, that a man would 
have thought should have had the least hand in the 
medd]ing with civil things, did justify them all ; all 
[irregular] 1 transactions that were in pulpits, in 
presses, and otherwise, which was verily thought 
would have been a very good shelter to them, to inno- 
vate 2 in matters of religion also ; and so to innovate as 
to eat out the core, and power, and heart, and life of 
all religion, by bringing on us a company of poisonous 
Popish ceremonies, and imposing them upon those 
that were [called and] 3 accounted the Puritans of the 
nation, and professors of religion amongst us ; driving 
them to seek their bread in a howling wilderness, 
as was instanced to our friends, who were forced to 



Public Intelligencer. a Harleian MS. l innovate upon us. 

3 Public Intelligencer. 



JAN. 20, 1658 359 

fly for Holland, New-England, almost any-whither, to 
find liberty for their consciences. 

[You see that the Petition and Advice that brought 
me hither hath, not through a little difficulty, re- 
stored us both in point of civil liberty as we are men, 
and liberty for all those that are of the Protestant 
profession amongst us; who enjoy a freedom to 
worship God according to their consciences.] x 

Now if this thing hath been the state and sum of 
our quarrel, and of those ten years' wars wherein we 
have been exercised, and that the good hand of God, 
for we are to attribute it to no other, hath brought 
this business thus home unto us, as it is stated in the 
Petition and Advice, [then] 2 I think we have all 
cause to bless God, and the nations have cause to 
bless him. 

I well remember I did a little touch upon the 
eighty-fifth Psalm, when I spake unto you in the 
beginning of this Parliament, which expresseth well 
that, that we may say as truly and as well, as it was 
said of old by the penman of that Psalm. The first 
verse is an acknowledgement to God, that he had 
been favourable unto his land, and had brought back 
the captivity of his people, and that he had pardoned 
all their iniquities, and covered all their sin, and 
taken away all his wrath. And indeed [in] 3 these 
unspeakable mercies, blessings and deliverances out 
of captivity, pardoning national sins and national 

1 Harleian MS. 2 Public Intelligencer ; * and ' in text. 

3 i of ' in text ; Harleian MS. ' the sence of 



360 JAN. 20, 1658 

iniquities, — pardoning as God pardons the man whom 
he justifieth, — he breaks through and overlooks 
iniquity and pardoneth because he will pardon : and 
sometimes God pardoneth nations also. And if the 
enjoyment of our present peace and other mercies 
may be witnesses for God, we feel * and we see them 
every day. 

The greatest demonstration of his favour and love 
appears to us in this, that he hath given us peace, 
and the blessings of peace, to wit the enjoyments of 
our liberties, civil and spiritual. And I remember 
well the Church falls into prayer and into praises, 
great expectations of future mercies, and much thank- 
fulness for the enjoyment of present mercies, and 
breaks into this expression, " Surely salvation is nigh 
unto them that fear him, that glory may dwell in our 
land." In the beginning he calls it his land, " Thou 
hast been favourable to [thy] 2 land." Truly I hope 
this is his land : and in some sense it may be given 
out that it is God's land. And he that hath the 
weakest knowledge and the worst memory, can easily 
tell [that we are a redeemed people] 3 . We were 
a redeemed people, when first God was pleased to 
look favourably upon us, [and to bring us] out of the 
hands of Popery in that never-to-be-forgotten refor- 
mation, that most significant and greatest the nation 
hath felt or tasted. I would but touch upon that, 
and but a touch, how hath God redeemed us as it is 

1 Harleian MS. ' seek.' 2 'our' in text, but thus in the Psalm. 

3 Harleian MS. 



JAN. 20, 1658 361 

this day, not [only] from trouble and sorrow and 
anger, but unto a blessed and happy estate and con- 
dition, comprehensive of all the interests of every 
member, of every individual [of these nations] \ as 
you very well see. 

And then in what sense it is our land, through this 
grace and favour of God, that he hath vouchsafed unto 
us and bestowed upon us [liberty] with the gospel, 
with peace and rest out of ten years' war, and given 
us what we would desire. Nay, who would have 
fore-thought when we were plunged into the midst 
of our troubles, that ever the people of God should 
have had liberty to worship God without fear of 
enemies? Which is the very acknowledgement of 
the promise of Christ, that he would deliver his 
people from fear of enemies, that they might worship 
him in holiness and in righteousness all the days of 
their life. This is the portion that God hath given 
us, and I trust we shall for ever heartily acknow- 
ledge it. 

The Church goes on there and makes her boast yet 
further, " His salvation is nigh them that fear him, 
that glory ma} 7 dwell in our land." His glory, not 
carnal nor anything else, that accompanies this glory 
of a free possession of the gospel, this is that that we 
may glory in. And he says further, " Mercy and truth 
are met together, righteousness and peace have kissed 
each other." And it shall be such righteousness as 
comes down from heaven, " Truth shall grow out of 

1 ' of those mercies ' in text and Harleian MS. 



362 JAN. 20, 1658 

the earth, and righteousness shall come down from 
heaven." Here is the truth of all, here is the right- 
eousness of God, under the notion of righteousness, 
confirming our abilities, answerable to the truth that 
he hath in the gospel revealed towards us. And he 
closeth with this, " Righteousness shall go before him, 
and shall set us in the way of his steps." That right- 
eousness, that mercy, that love and that kindness, 
which we have seen, and have been made partakers 
of from the Lord, it shall be our guide to teach us to 
know the right and the good way, which is to tread 
in the steps of mercy, righteousness, and goodness, that 
our God hath walked before us in. 

We have a peace this day. I believe in my very 
heart you all think the things that I speak to you 
this day, I am sure you have cause [to], and yet 
we are not without the murmurings of many people, 
who turn all this grace and goodness into wormwood, 
who indeed are disappointed by the works of God. 
And those men are of several ranks and conditions, 
great ones, lesser ones, [men] 1 of all sorts, men that 
are of the episcopal spirit, with all the branches, the 
root and the branches : who gave themselves a fatal 
blow in [this] 2 place, when they would needs make 
a Protestation, that no laws were good which were 
made by this House and the House of Commons in 
their absence : and so without injury to themselves 
[they] 3 cut off themselves. Indeed [they are] men 

1 Public Intelligencer. 2 ' the ' in text; Harleian MS. * this.' 

3 Harleian MS. 



JAN. 20, 1658 363 

that know not God, that know not how to account 
upon 1 the works of God, how to measure them out, 
but will trouble nations for an interest that is but 
mixed at the best, made up of iron and clay like the 
feet of Nebuchadnezzar's image ; whether they were 
more civil or spiritual was hard to say, but their con- 
tinuance was like to be known beforehand, iron and 
clay make no good mixtures, they are not durable 
at all. You have now a godly ministry, you have a 
knowing ministry, such a one as, without vanity be 
it spoken, the world has not [the like] 2 : men knowing 
the things of God, and able to search into the things 
of God, by that only that can fathom those things in 
some measure [to wit the spirit of God] 2 . The spirit 
of a beast knows not the spirit of a man, nor doth 
the spirit of a man know the things of God : [but] 3 
the things of God are known by the spirit. Truly 
I will remember but this one thing of those ; their 
greatest persecution hath been of the people of God, 
men of the spirit of God, as, I think, very experiences 
will sufficiently demonstrate. 

Besides, what's the reason think you, that men 
slip in this age wherein we live? As I told you 
before, [because] 2 they understand not the works of 
God: they consider not the operation of his laws, 
they consider not, that God resisted and broke in 
pieces the powers that were, that men might fear him, 
might have liberty to do and enjoy all that we have 
been speaking of, which certainly God has mani- 

1 Harleian MS. ' of.' 2 Public Intelligencer. 3 Harleian MS. 



364 JAN. 20, 1658 

fested that this was the 1 end, and that he hath brought 
the things to pass. Therefore it is that men yet slip, 
and engage themselves against God. [They engage 
themselves, I say, against God,] 2 and for that very 
cause [in the] twenty-eighth 3 Psalm, saith David, He 
shall break them down, and not [build] 4 them up. 
If therefore you would know upon what foundation 
you stand, own your foundation from God. He hath 
set you where you are : he hath set you in the enjoy- 
ment of your civil and spiritual liberties. 

I deal clearly with you, I have been under some 
infirmity 5 , therefore dare not speak further to you, 
but to let you know this much, that I have with 
truth and simplicity declared the state of our cause, 
and attainments in it, to you, by the industry and 
labour of this Parliament when they last met. Upon 
this foundation you shall find, — I mean the foundation 
of a cause and quarrel thus attained to, [and] 6 wherein 
we are thus instated, — I should be very glad to lay my 
bones with yours, and would have done it with all 
heartiness and cheerfulness, in the meanest capacity 
that I was ever yet in, to serve the Parliament. 

If God give you [strength], as I trust he will, — he 
hath given it you, for what have I been speaking of 
but what you have done, [he hath given you strength 
to do what hath been done] 7 , — and if God should bless 

1 Harleian MS. ' his* 2 Ibid. 

3 ' very selfsame psalm, 28th psalm, saith,' Ibid. 

4 Public Intelligencer ; ' bind ' in text and Harleian MS. 

6 Harleian MS. ' infirmities.' 6 Public Intelligencer. 

7 Harleian MS. 



JAN. 25, 1658 365 

you in this work, and make this meeting happy upon 
this account, you shall all be called the blessed of the 
Lord; the generations to come will bless us. "You 
shall be the repairers of breaches, and the restorers of 
paths to dwell in " 2 ; and if there be any work that 
mortals can attain to in the world beyond this, I 
acknowledge my ignorance. 

As I told you, I have some infirmities upon me, 
I have not liberty to speak more unto you, but I 
have desired an honourable person here by me to 
discourse a little more particularly what may be more 
proper for this occasion and this meeting.' 



49. 

The Lord Protector's Speech to the two Houses of 
Parliament, in the Banqueting-House at Whitehall, 
January 25, 165|. 

' My Lords and Gentlemen of the Two Houses of 
Parliament, for so I must own you, in whom 
together with myself is vested the legislative 
power of these nations, 

The impression of the weight of these affairs 
and interest for which we are met together is such,, 
that I could not satisfy myself with a good conscience 
if I should not remonstrate to you somewhat of my 
apprehensions of the state of [the] 2 affairs of these 
nations, together with the proposals of such remedies 

1 Isa. lviii. 12. 2 Sloane MS. and MS. Adds. Ayscough. 



366 JAN. 25, 1658 

as may occur to those dangers that are imminent 
upon us. 

I conceive the well-being, yea the being of these 
nations is now at stake, and if God bless this meeting 
our tranquillity and peace may be lengthened out to 
us ; if otherwise, I shall offer it to your judgements and 
considerations, by that time I have done, whether 
there be, as to men, a possibility of discharging that 
trust that is incumbent upon us for the safety and 
preservation of these nations. [And] 1 when I have 
told you what occurs 2 to my thoughts, I shall leave 
it to such an operation on your hearts as it shall 
please God Almighty to work upon you. I look on 3 
this to be the great duty of my place, as being set on 
a watch-tower, to see what may be for the good of 
these nations and what may be for the preventing 
of evil, that so by the advice of so great and wise 
a Council as this is, that hath in it the life and spirit 
of these nations, that good may be attained and that 
evil, whatever it is, may be obviated. We shall 
hardly set our shoulders to this work, unless it shall 
please God to work some conviction upon our hearts 
that there is need of our most serious and best counsels 
at such a time as this is. 

I have not prepared any such matter and rule of 
speech to deliver myself unto you, as perhaps might 
have been more fitter for me to have done and more 
serviceable for you to [have understood] 4 me in, but 

1 Sloane MS. 2 Ibid. l comes.' 

3 Ibid. l reckon.' * Ibid; text, i to understand/ 



JAN. 25, 1658 367 

shall only speak plainly and honestly to you out of 
such conceptions as it hath pleased God to set upon 
me. We have not been now four years and upwards 
in this government, to be totally ignorant of the 
things that may be of the greatest concernment to us. 
Your dangers, for that is the head of my speech, they 
are either with respect had to affairs abroad and their 
difficulties, or to affairs at home and their difficulties. 
You come, [if] * I may say so now, in the end of as 
great difficulties and straits, as I think ever nation 
was engaged in. I had in my thoughts to have made 
this the method of my speech, to wit, to let you see 
the things that hazard your being and your well- 
being, [but when I came seriously to consider better 
of it, I thought, as your affairs stand, that all things 
would resolve themselves into very being.] 2 You 
are not a nation, you will not be a nation, if God 
strengthen you not to meet with these evils that are 
upon us. 

First, from abroad. What are the affairs, I beseech 
you, abroad 1 I thought the profession of the Pro- 
testant religion was a thing of well-being. And 
truly, in a good sense so it is, and it is no more ; 
though it be a very high thing, it is but a thing of 
well-being. But take it with all the complications of 
it, with all the concomitants 3 of it, with respect had 
to the nations abroad, I do believe that he that looks 
well about him and considereth the estate 4 of the 

1 Sloane MS. ; text, 'as.' 2 Sloane MS. and M S. Adds. Ayscough. 
3 MS. Adds. Ayscough, l circumstances.' * Sloane MS. ' state.' 



368 JAN. 25, 1658 

Protestant affairs all Christendom over, he must needs 
say and acknowledge that the greatest design now on 
foot, in comparison with which all other designs are 
but low 1 things, is, whether the Christian world 
should 2 be all Popery ; or, whether God hath a love 
to, and we ought to have a brotherly fellow-feeling of, 
the interest of all the Protestant Christians in the 
world. And he that strikes at but one species of a 
general to make it nothing, strikes at all. Is it not 
so now, that the Protestant cause and interest abroad 
is struck at, and is in opinion and apprehension 
quite underfoot, trodden down 1 And judge with 
me, I beseech you, a little, whether it be so or no ; 
and then, I pray you, will you consider how far we 
are concerned in that danger, as to being. 

We have known very well 3 that that [which] 4 is 
accounted the honest and religious interest of the 
nation, it was not trodden down under foot all at 
once, but by degrees, that that interest might be con- 
sumed as with a canker insensibly, as Jonah's gourd 
was, till it was quite withered in a night. It is at 
another rate now, for certainly this [enmity is] in the 
general ; the Papacy, and those that are the upholders 
of it, they have openly and avowedly trod God's 
people under foot on that very notion and account, 
that they were Protestants. The money that you 
parted with in that noble charity that was exercised 

1 SloaneMS. 'little.' 2 Ibid, 'shall: 

3 Shane MS. and MS. Adds. Ayscough, l We have known very well,' 
repeated. 

4 Sloane MS. ; text, * that's.' 



JAN. 25, 1658 369 

in , this nation, and the just sense that you had of 
those poor Piedmonts 2 , was satisfaction enough to 
yourselves of that as a precursory thing. If all the 
Protestants in Europe had had but that head, that 
head had been cut off, and so an end of all. Is 
this all ? No ! Look but how the House of Austria, 
on both sides of Christendom, are armed and prepared 
to make themselves able to destroy the whole Pro- 
testant interest. Is not, to begin there, the King of 
Hungary [prepared,] who expecteth with his parti- 
sans to make himself Emperor of Germany, and in 
the judgement of all men not only in possibility but 
a certainty of the acquisition of it ? Is not he, since 
he hath mastered the Duke of Brandenburg one of 
the Electors ? And no doubt but he will have [three] 3 
of the Episcopal Electors, and the Duke of Bavaria. 
Who [will he] 4 have to contest with him abroad, for 
taking the Empire of Germany out of his hands *? 
And is not he the son of a father, whose principal 
interest 5 and personal conscience guided him to exile 
all the Protestants out of his own patrimonial country, 
out of Bohemia, — got with the sword, — out of Moravia 
and Silesia ? It is that which is [in] the daily com- 
plaints that [come] 6 over to us, some of which we 
have but received within these two or three days, 
being conveyed by some godly Ministers in the city, 

1 Sloane MS. 'within.' 2 Ibid. i Piedmontese.' 

3 Ibid. ; text, ' tree.' 

4 Text, ' Who he will' ; Sloane MS. ' Whom will he.' 

5 Sloane MS. and MS. Adds. Ayscough, 'principles, interest.' 

6 MS. Adds. Ayscough; text, 'came.' 

Bb 



370 JAN. 25, 1658 

that they are tossed out of Poland into the Empire, 
and out thence whither they can fly to get their 
bread, and are ready to perish for want of food. 
What think you of that other side of Europe, to wit, 
Italy, — if I may call it the other side of Europe, as 
I think I may, — Spain, and all those adjacent parts, 
with the Grisons, Piedmonts 1 afore mentioned, the 
Switzers ; they all, what are they but a prey of the 
Spanish power and interest? And look to that that 
calls itself the head of all this, a Pope fitted, — I hope 
indeed born not in, but out of due time, — to accom- 
plish this bloody work, that so he may fill up his cup 
to the brim and make him ripe for judgement. He 
doth, as always he hath done. He [hath] 2 in- 
fluenced all the Powers and all the Princes in Europe 
to this very thing, and no man like this present man. 
So that I beseech you, what is there in all the parts 
of Europe, what is there I say in all the [other] 2 
parts of Europe, but a consent, co-operating at this 
very time and season to them, to suppress everything 
that stands in their way? 

But it may be said, This is a great way [off] 3 in 
the extremest parts of it ; what is that to us ? If it 
be nothing to you, let it be nothing to you. I have 
told you it is somewhat to you, and it concerns all 
your religion and all the good interest of Europe. 
I have, I thank God, considered. I would beg of you 
to consider a little more with me, what that resistance 

1 Sloane MS. l Piedmontese.' 2 Ibid. 

3 MS. Adds. Ayscough ; text, 'of.' 



JAN. 25, 1658 371 

is that is likely to be made to this mighty current 1 , 
that is like to be coming from all parts on all Pro- 
testants. Who is there that holdeth up his head to 
oppose this great design? A poor Prince! Indeed 
poor, but a man in his person as gallant, and truly 
I think I may say as good, as any these late ages 
have brought forth ; a man that hath adventured his 
all against the Popish interest in Poland, [and] 2 made 
his acquisition still good for the Protestant religion. 
He is now reduced into a corner, and that which 
addeth to the grief of all, and more than all that hath 
been spoken of before, — I wish it may not be too 
truly said, — [is] that men of our religion forget that, 
and seek his ruin. And I beseech you consider [a 
little, consider] 3 the consequences of that. For what 
doth all this signify? Is it only a noise, or hath it 
[an] 4 articulate sound with it ? Men that are not true 
to that religion we profess, — I am persuaded with 
greater truth, uprightness and sincerity than it is by 
any collected body, so nearly gathered together as 
these nations are, in all the world, — God will find 
them out. I beseech you consider how things do co- 
operate, if this may seem but to be a design against 
your well-being. It is against your very being 
though, this artifice and this complex [design] 5 
against the Protestant interest, wherein so many Pro- 



1 Sloane MS. ' torrent.' 2 MS. Adds. Ayscough. 

8 Sloane MS. and MS. Adds. Ayscough. 

4 Text, l hath it only,' and so MS. Adds. Ayscough. 

5 MS. Adds. Ayscough; text, 'designed.' 

B b 2 



372 JAN. 25, 1658 

testants are not so right as were to be wished. If 
they can shut us out of the Baltic Sea, and make 
themselves masters of that, where is your trade? 
Where are your materials to preserve your shipping, 
or where will you be able to challenge any right by 
sea, or justify yourselves against a foreign invasion 
in your own soil 1 Think upon it ; this is in design. 
I do believe, if you will go to ask the poor mariner 
in his red-cap and coat, as he passeth from ship to 
ship, you will hardly find in any ship but they will 
tell you this is designed against you ; so obvious is 
it, by this and other things, that you are the object. 
And, in my conscience, I know not for what else, but 
because of the purity of the Profession amongst you, 
who have not yet made it your trade to prefer your 
profit before [your] l godliness, but reckon godliness 
the greater gain. But should it so happen that, as 
contrivances stand, you should not be able to vin- 
dicate yourselves against all whatsoever, — I name no 
one State upon this head, but I think all acknowledge 
[that] States are engaged in this combination, — judge 
you where you are ! 

You have accounted yourselves happy in being 
environed with a great ditch from all the world be- 
side. Truly you will not be able to keep your ditch, 
nor your shipping, unless you turn your ships and 
your shipping into troops of horse and companies of 
foot, and fight to defend yourselves in terra firma. 

1 Sloane MS. and MS. Adds. Ayscough. 



JAN. 25, 1658 373 

If these things [succeed] 1 , Liberavi animam meam; 
I have told you of it. And if there be no danger in 
this, I have satisfied myself [that] 2 I have told you. 
[If] 2 you will judge [it] 2 no danger, if you will 
think we may discourse of all things at pleasure, that 
it is a time of sleep and ease and rest, without a due 
sense of these things, I have this comfort to Godward, 
I have told you of it. And really, were it not that 
France, give me leave to say it, is a balance to this 
party at this time, should there be a peace made, 
that hath been and still is laboured and aimed at, a 
general peace, then will England be the general object 
of all the fury and wrath of all the enemies of God 
and our religion in the world. I have nobody to 
accuse, but do [but] 3 look on the other side of the 
water. You have neighbours there, some that you 
are in amity with, some that have professed malice 
enough against you. I think you are fully satisfied 
in that. I had rather you would trust your enemy 
than some friends; that is, believe your enemy and 
trust him that he means your ruin, rather than have 
confidence in some that perhaps may be in some 
alliance with you. I perhaps could infer all this 
with some particulars, nay I could. For you know 
that your enemies be the same that have been 
accounted your enemies ever since Queen Elizabeth 
came to the Crown ; an avowed, designed enemy, 
wanting nothing of counsel, wisdom and prudence to 

1 Sloane MS. ; text, ' saved,' and MS. Adds. Ayscough. 2 Sloane MS. 
3 Ibid. ; MS. Adds. Ayscough, l do but look.' 



374 JAN. 25, 1658 

rout you out of the face of the earth. And when 
public attempts would not do, how have they, by the 
Jesuits and other [their] 1 emissaries, laid foundations 
to perplex and trouble our government by taking away 
the lives of them that they judged to be of any use 
to preserve your peace ! And at this time I ask you 
whether you do not think they are designing as 
busily as ever any people were to prosecute the same 
counsels and things to the uttermost? 

The business was then, the Dutch needed Queen 
Elizabeth of famous memory for their protection. 
They had it. I hope they will never ill-requite it ; 
for if they should forget either the kindness that was 
then shewed them, which was their real safety, or the 
desires this nation hath had to be at peace with them, 
truly I believe whoever exercises any ingratitude in 
this sort will hardly prosper in it. But this may 
awaken you ; howsoever I hope, you will be awakened 
upon all these considerations. It is true, it is true 
they have professed a principle that, thanks be to 
God, we never knew. They will sell arms to their 
enemies, and lend their ships to their enemies. 
They will do so, [and truly that principle is not a 
matter in dispute at this time, only let everything 
weigh with your spirits as it ought, let it do so] K 
And we must tell you, that we do know that this is 
true. I dare assure you of it, and that I think if 
your Exchange here were but resorted to, it would let 
you know as much as you can desire to know, that 

1 Shane MS. and MS. Adds. Ayscough. 



JAN. 25, 1658 375 

they have hired sloops, I think they call them or some 
other name, they have hired sloops to transport upon 
you four thousand foot and one thousand horse upon 
the pretended interest of that young man that was 
the late King's son. And this is I think a thing, so 
far from being reckoned a suggestion to any ill end 
or purpose, or to any other end than to awaken you 
to a just consideration of your danger and to unite 
[ycu] to a just and natural defence. Indeed I never 
did, and I hope I never shall, use any artifice with 
you to pray you to help us with money to defend 
ourselves, but if money be needful, I will tell you. 
[I] 1 pray [you] l help us with money, that the in- 
terest of the nation may be defended both abroad and 
at home. I will use no arguments, and thereby will 
disappoint the artifice of false men abroad that say it 
is for money [that I say this]. Whosoever shall think 
to put things out of frame upon such a suggestion, 
[it will be in vain,] for you will find I will be very 
plain with you before I have done, and that with all 
love and affection and faithfulness to you and these 
nations. If this be the condition of affairs abroad, 
I pray a little consider what is the estate of your 
affairs at home. And if both these considerations 
have but this effect, to get 2 a consideration among 
you, a due and just consideration [of our want, it is 
well]. Let God move your hearts for the answering 
of anything that shall be due to the nation, as he 
shall please. And I hope I shall not be solicitous. 

1 MS. Adds. Ayscough. a Shane MS. * beget.' 



376 JAN. 25, 1658 

I shall look up to him that hath been my God and 
my guide hitherto. 

I say, I beseech you, look to your own affairs at 
home, how they stand. I am persuaded you are all, 
I apprehend you [are] all very honest and worthy 
good men, and that there is not a man of you but 
would desire to be found a good patriot. I know you 
would. We are apt to boast sometimes that we are 
Englishmen. And truly it is no shame to us that we 
are so, but it is a motive to us to do like Englishmen, 
and seek the real good of this nation and the interest 
of it. But I beseech you, what is our case at home 1 
I profess I do not know well where to begin at this 
head or where to end, I do not, but I must needs say 
let a man begin where he will, he shall hardly be out 
of that drift I am speaking to you. We are as full of 
calamities and divisions among us in respect of the 
spirits of men, though, through a wonderful, admirable, 
and never to be sufficiently admired providence of God, 
in peace. And the fighting we have had and the suc- 
cess we have had, yea, we that are here, we are an 
astonishment to the world ; and [yet] take us in that 
temper we are in, or rather distemper, it 1 is the 
greatest miracle that ever befel the sons of men ; and 
whosoever shall seek to break it, God Almighty rout 
that man out of this nation,— and he will do it, let 
the pretences be what they will. He that considereth 
not the woman with child, the sucking children of 
this nation that know not the right hand from the 
1 i. e. the fact that we have peace. 



JAN. 25, 1658 377 

left, of whom, for aught I know, it may be said, this 
city is as full as it is said of Nineveh x [of old] 2 ; he 
that considereth not these, and the fruit that is like 
to come out of the bodies of those now living added 
to these, he that considereth not these, must have 
a Cain's heart, who was marked and made to be an 
enemy to all men and all men enemies to him, for the 
wrath and justice of God will persecute 3 such a man 
to his grave, if not to hell. I say, look on this nation. 
Look on it. Consider what are the [varieties] 4 of 
interest [in this nation, if they be worthy of the name 
of interests] 5 . If God did not hinder, all would 
[but] 5 make up a confusion, and we shall find there 
will be more than a Cain in England, if God did not 
restrain, and we should have another more bloody 
civil war than ever we had in England. For I be- 
seech you, what is the general spirit of this nation 1 ? 
Is it not that each sort of people, if I may call them 
sects, whether sects upon a religious account or upon 
a civil account, is not this nation miserable in that 
respect ? What is that which [possesses] 6 every sect 1 
What is it ? That every sect may be uppermost, 
that every sort of men may get the power into their 
hands, [ — and they would use it well, — that every 
sect may get the power into their hands] 7 . It were 

1 Text, 'Ninevy.' 2 Sloane MS. 

3 Ibid, 'prosecute,' and MS. Adds. Ayscough. 

4 MS. Adds. Ayscough; text, 'variety'; but perhaps read l variety of 
interests.' 5 Sloane MS. 

6 Ibid.; text, ' professeth" ; MS. Adds. Ayscough, l possesseth.' 

7 Sloane MS. and MS. Adds. Ayscough. 



378 JAN. 25, 1658 

a happy thing if the nation would be content with 
rule, if it were but in civil things, with those that 
would rule worst ; because misrule is better than no 
rule, and an ill government, a bad one, is better than 
none. It is not that only, but we have an appetite 
to variety, to be not only making wounds, but as 
if we should see one making wounds in a man's 
side and would desire nothing more than to be grop- 
ing and grovelling with his ringers in those wounds. 
This is that men will be at ; this is the spirit of those 
that would trample on men's liberties in spiritual 
respects. They will be making wounds, and rending 
and tearing, and making them wider than they are. 
Is not this the case? Doth there want anything, — 
I speak not of sects in an ill sense, but the nation is 
hugely made up of them, — and what is the want that 
these things are not done to the uttermost, but that 
men have more anger than strength ? They have not 
power to attain their ends. And I beseech [you] l 
judge what such a company of men of these sorts are 
doing while they are contesting one with another. 
They are contesting in the midst of a generation 
of men, a malignant Episcopal party, I mean contest- 
ing in the midst of these, all united. What must be 
the issue of such a thing as this ? It is so. And do 
but judge what proofs have been made of the spirits 
of these men ; summoning men together to take up 
arms, and to exhort each sort to fight for their [no- 
tions] 2 , every sort thinking they are to try it out by 

1 MS. Adds. Ayscough. 2 Ibid. ; text, ' nations ' ? 



JAN. 25, 1658 379 

the sword, every sort thinking that they are truly under 
the banner of Christ if they but come in and oblige 
upon this account. Now do but judge what a hard 
condition this poor nation is in. This is the state 
and condition we are in. Judge, I say, what a hard 
condition this poor nation is in, and the cause of God 
in the midst of such a party of men as the Cavaliers 
are and their participants, not only with respect to 
what these are like to do among themselves, but 
some of these, yea some of these, they care not who 
carry the goal ; nay, some of these have invited the 
Spaniard himself to assist and carry on the Cavalier 
cause. And that this is true, and many other things 
that are not fit to be suggested to you because we 
should betray the interest of our intelligence, [I dare 
assert], 

I say, this is your condition. What is your de- 
fence? What hinders the eruption of all this upon 
you irresistibly, to your utter destruction? Truly 
you have an army in these parts, in Scotland, in 
England, and Ireland. Take them away to-morrow, 
would not all these interests run into one another? 
I know you are rational, prudent men ; have you any 
frame or model of things that would satisfy the 
minds of men, if this be not the frame you are now 
called together upon and engaged in? I mean the 
two Houses of Parliament and myself. What hinders 
this nation from being made an Aceldama, if this do 
not ? It is [this] without doubt ; give the glory to 
God. Give the glory to God, for without this it 



380 JAN. 25, 1658 

would prove as great a plague as all that hath been 
spoken of. It is this without doubt that keeps this 
nation in peace and quietness. But what is the case 
of this army ? a poor unpaid army, the soldiers going 
barefoot at this time, in this city, this weather, and 
yet a peaceable people, seeking to serve you with 
their lives, judging their pains and hazards, and all, 
well bestowed in obeying their officers and serving 
you to keep the peace of these nations. Yea, he must 
be a man that hath a heart as hard as the weather, 
that hath not a due sense of this. So that I say, that 
it is most plain and evident this is your outward and 
present defence. And yet at this day, do but you 
judge [how it stands], the Cavalier party, the several 
humours of unreasonable men in these several ways 
having made batteries at this defence ever since you 
enjoyed your peace. What have they made their 
business but this, [to] spread libellous books, yea, and 
pretend the liberty of the people, which really wiser 
men [than they] may pretend. For let me say this 
to you at once, I never look to see the people of 
England come into a just liberty, if any other war 
should overtake us. I think, at least, that that is 
likely to bring us into our liberty, is a consistency 
and agreement [within] l this meeting. Therefore all 
that I can say to you is this, it will be your wisdom, 
I do think truly, and your justice to keep this in- 
terest close to you, to uphold this settlement, which 
I have no cause to think but you are agreed to and 

1 Text * with with' 



JAN. 25, 1658 381 

that you like it. For I assure you, I am very greatly 
mistaken else to think that that which is now the 
settlement among us, is that which hath been my 
inducement to bear the burden I bear, and serve the 
Commonwealth in the place I am in. 

And therefore if you [should] judge, that this be 
not argument enough to persuade you to be sensible 
of your danger, which besides good-nature and in- 
genuity would move a stone to be sensible of, there- 
fore give us leave to consider a little what will become 
of us if our spirits should go otherwise. If our spirits 
be dissatisfied, what will become of things ? Here is 
an army, five or six months behind in pay ; yea, an 
army in Scotland near as much ; an army in Ireland 
much more. [And if these things be not considered] \ 
— I cannot doubt but that they will be considered, — 
I say judge what the case of Ireland is, should free 
quarter come upon the Irish people. You have a 
company of Scots in the north of Ireland that I hope 
are honest men ; in the province of Galway 2 almost 
all the Irish transported to the West. You have the 
interest of England newly begun to be planted. The 
people there are full of necessities and complaints. 
They bear to the uttermost, and should the soldier[s] 3 
run upon free quarter there upon your [English 
planters as they must, the] 4 English planters must 
quit the country through mere beggary, and that 
which hath been the success of so much blood and 

1 Shane MS. and MS. Adds. Ayscough. a Text, ' Galhway.' 

3 MS. Adds. Ayscough. 4 Sloane MS. and MS. Adds. Ayscough. 



382 JAN. 25, 1658 

treasure to get that country into your hands, what 
will be the consequence but that the English must 
needs run away for pure beggary and the Irish must 
possess the country for a receptacle to a Popish 
and Spanish interest ? And hath Scotland been long 
settled? Have not they a like sense of poverty? 
I speak plainly, in good earnest I do think the Scots' 
nation have been under as great suffering in point 
of livelihood and substance outwardly as any people 
I have yet named to you. I do think truly, they are 
a very ruined nation, yet in a way, — I have spoken with 
some gentlemen come from thence, — hopeful enough 
yet. It hath pleased God to give that plentiful en- 
couragement to the meaner sort, I must say the 
meaner sort, in Scotland. I must say, if it please 
God to encourage the meaner sort, the meaner sort 
live as well and are likely to come into as thriving 
a condition under your government, as when they 
were under their great Lords, who made them work 
for their living no better than the peasants of France. 
I am loth to speak anything which may reflect upon 
that nation, but the middle sort of this people grow 
up into such a substance, as makes their lives com- 
fortable if not better than they were before. If low 
after all this, we shall not be sensible of all those 
designs which are in the midst of us, of the united 
Cavaliers, of the designs which are animated every 
day from Flanders and Spain, if we shall look upon 
ourselves as a divided people, a man cannot certainly 
tell where to find consistency anywhere in England. 



JAN. 25, 1658 383 

Certainly there is no consistency in anything, that 
may be worthy the name of the body of consistency, 
but in this company that are met here. How should 
that man lay his hand upon his heart and not talk 
of things, neither to be made out by the light of 
Scripture nor reason, and draw one another off from 
considering these things? I dare leave them with 
you and commit them to your bosom. They have 
a weight, a greater weight than any I have yet 
suggested to you from abroad or at home. 

If this be our case 1 abroad and at home, that our 
being and well-being, — our well-being is not worth 
the naming comparatively, — I say, if that be our case 
of our .being abroad and at home that through want 
to bear up our honour at sea and for want to maintain 
that that is our defence at home [we are in danger], 
[and if] 2 that through our mistake we shall be led off 
our consideration of these things and talk of circum- 
stantial things and quarrel about circumstances, and 
shall not with heart and soul intend and carry on these 
things, I confess I can look for nothing. I can say no 
more than what expresseth in print, of one that having 
consulted everything, he could hold to nothing like 
nothing, neither Fifth Monarchy nor Presbytery nor 
[Independency] 3 , nothing, but at length concludes he 

1 MS. Adds. Ayscough ends here with the following note: 'There being 
not room enough to write what remains of this speech, you shall find the 
remainder of it in the Third Book, at the beginning, where the mark is.' 
Unfortunately the British Museum possesses neither the First nor the Third 
Book. 

2 Text, l but.' 3 Text, 'Independent.' 



384 JAN. 25, 1658 

was for nothing but an orderly confusion. And for 
men that have wonderfully lost their consciences and 
their wits, [that suffices] ; I speak of men abroad that 
cannot tell what they would have, yet are willing to 
kindle coals to disturb others. 

And now having said this, I have discharged my 
duty to God and to you in making this demonstration ; 
and I profess to you not [as] l a rhetorician. My 
business [to you is] 1 to prove the verity of the designs 
from abroad and still unsatisfied spirits of Cavaliers 
at home, who from the first of our peace to this day 
have not been wanting to do what they could to 
kindle a fire at home in the midst of us. I say, if this 
be so the truth, I pray God affect your hearts with 
a due sense of it and give you one heart and mind to 
carry on this work for which we are met together. 
If these things be so, should you [not] meet to-morrow 
and accord in all things tending to [the] 2 preservation 
of your rights and liberties, really it will be feared 
there is too much time elapsed to deliver yourselves 
from those dangers that hang upon you. We have 
had now six years' peace, and have had an inter- 
ruption of ten years' war. We have seen and heard 
and felt the evils of it. and now God hath given us 
a new taste of the comfort and benefit of peace. Have 
you not had such a peace in England, Ireland, and 
Scotland, that there is not a man to lift up his finger 
to put you into a distemper ? Is not this a mighty 
blessing from the Lord of Heaven ? Shall we now be 

1 Shane MS. 2 Ibid.; text, l your.' 



JAN. 25, 1658 385 

prodigal of time ? Should any man, shall we, listen 
to delusions to break and interrupt this peace? There 
is not any man that hath been true to this cause, as 
I believe you have been all, that can look for anything 
but the greatest rending and persecution that ever 
was in the world. I wonder then how it can enter 
into the heart of [any] 1 man to undervalue these 
things, to slight peace and the Gospel, the greatest 
mercy of God. We have peace and the Gospel. Let 
us have one heart and soul, one mind to maintain the 
honest and just rights of this nation, not to pretend 
them to the destruction of our peace, to the destruction 
of the nation. Really, pretend what you will, if we 
run into another flood of blood and war, the sinews of 
this nation being wasted by the last, it must sink and 
perish utterly. I beseech you and charge you in the 
name and presence of God, and as before him, be 
sensible of these things and lay them to heart. You 
have a day of fasting coming on : I beseech God touch 
your hearts and open your ears to this truth, and that 
you may be as deaf adders to stop your ears 2 to all 
dissension, and look upon them, whosoever they be. 
As Paul saith to the Church of Corinth, as I remember, 
Mark such men as cause divisions and offences 3 and 
would disturb you from that foundation of peace you 
are upon, upon any pretence whatsoever. 

I shall conclude with this. I was free the last 
time of our meeting to tell you I would discourse 

1 Sloane MS. 2 Ps. lviii. 4. 

3 Rom. xvi. 17. 

C C 



386 JAN. 25, 1658 

upon a Psalm, and I did. I am not ashamed of it 
at any time, especially when I meet with men of 
such a consideration as you are. There you have 
one verse that I [then] 1 forgat ; " I will hear what 
the Lord will speak : he will speak peace to his 
people and to his saints, that they turn not again 
to folly." Dissension, division, destruction, in a poor 
nation under a civil war, having all the effects of 
a civil war upon it! Indeed if we return again to 
folly, let every man consider if it be not like to be 
our destruction. If God shall [not] unite your hearts 
and bless you, and give you the blessing of union and 
love one to another, and tread down everything that 
riseth up in your hearts or tendeth to deceive your 
own souls with pretences of this and that thing that 
we speak of, and [if you do] not prefer the keeping 
of peace, that we may see the fruits of righteousness 
in them that love peace and embrace peace, it will 
be said of this poor nation, Actum est cle Anglia. 
But I trust God will never leave it to such a spirit. 
And while I live [and] 2 am able, I shall be ready to 
stand and fall with you in this seeming promising 
union God hath wrought amongst you, which I hope 
neither the pride nor envy of men shall be able to 
dissipate and make void. I have taken my oath to 
govern according to the laws that are now made 
[and to be made] 2 , and I trust I shall fully answer 
it. And know, I sought not this place, I speak it 
before God, angels and men, I did not. You sought 

1 See Ps. lxxxv. 8. 2 Sloane MS. 



JAN. 28, 1658 387 

me for it and you brought me to it, and I took my 
oath to be faithful to the interest of these nations, 
to be faithful to the government. All those things 
were implicit in my * eye in that oath, to be faithful 
to this government upon which we are now met. 
And I trust, by the grace of God, as I have taken 
my oath to serve this Commonwealth on such an 
account, I shall, I must, see it done according to the 
articles of the government ; that thereby liberty of 
conscience may be secured for honest people, that 
they may serve God without fear, that every just 
interest may be preserved, that a godly ministry 
may be upheld and not affronted by seducing and 
seduced spirits, that all men may be preserved in 
their just rights, whether civil or spiritual. Upon 
this account did I take oath and sware to this 
government. And so, having declared my heart and 
mind to you in this, I have nothing more to say but 
to pray God Almighty bless you.' 

50. 

Thursday, Jan. 28 ; Answer to the Committee of the 
House of Commons, which requested him to give 
directions for the printing of his speech of Monday, 
Jan. 25, 165£. 

[Substance only.] 

'His Highness said, He could not have looked 
upon the Committee as a Committee of the House 
of Commons had he not seen the Paper and the 
persons of the Committee. That what he spake in 

1 Sloane MS. ends here. 
C C 2 



388 FEB. 4, 1658 

the Banqueting-House was delivered to both Houses, 
the House of Lords and the House of Commons : 
And that he was exceeding tender of the breach of 
Privilege of either House, whereunto he had sworn, 
and by the blessing of God would maintain : And 
that he did not know, nor was satisfied, that it was 
not against the Privilege of either House for him to 
give an answer to either of the Houses apart. That 
he spake to the Houses those things that did lie 
upon his own heart ; and that he did acquaint them 
honestly and plainly how things stood in matters 
of fact, but of particulars he doth not remember 
four lines. That he had considered with some 
persons about the papers relating to Money; and 
found some particulars short and some over ; but 
he would take them into consideration and set them 
right, and would give a timely account thereof. He 
desired his affections might be presented to the 
House, and that he would be ready to serve them 
faithfully in that capacity he is in.' 



51. 

The Lord Protector's speech in the House of Lords, dis- 
solving the Two Houses, February 4, 165|. 

1 My Lords, and Gentlemen of the House of 
Commons, 

The last time I met you here I had very 
comfortable expectations that God would make the 
calling of this Parliament and the meeting of it 



FEB. 4, 1658 389 

a blessing to ours and to these nations. And the 
Lord is my witness, I desired the carrying on of 
the affairs of these nations to those ends that I then 
expressed to you with so much sincerity as satisfies 
my own conscience, and for which if I did deal with 
you in hypocrisy, when I told you the blessing that 
we were arrived at, if I did not with all my heart 
believe it and desire it with my soul, then I most 
fear the uppermost Witness. And, as we told you \ 
we had attained mercy and truth, righteousness and 
peace, so that we should go on to follow those foot- 
steps that God had laid for us, for the future improve- 
ment of them, improvement for mercy and truth, and 
righteousness and peace. 

I did think truly that that, that brought me into 
the capacity I now stand in, and did then, was the 
Petition and Advice given me by this Parliament, 
by you especially of the House of Commons, who did 
in reference to the ancient Constitution frame your 
Petition and Advice by which you drew me to accept 
of the place I now stand in. There is ne'er a man 
within these walls that can say, Sir, you sought it 2 1 
Nay, not a man nor woman treading upon English 
ground. But contemplating, as well as I could, upon 
the sad indisposition 3 of these nations, broken almost 
in pieces with an intestine war, recovered through 

1 Clarke MS. 30 reads, ' the blessing which I mean and which we ever 
climbed at was Mercy, that Righteousness and Peace which I desire may be 
improved.' 

2 Ibid. ' There is not a man living can say I sought it I ' 

3 Ibid. ' conditions.' 



390 FEB. 4, 1658 

the blessing of God unto a six or seven years' peace, 
entire peace, having at the last arrived at an oppor- 
tunity of settlement, I did think us exceeding happy 
in that progress that we had made. Being petitioned 
unto and advised by you to undertake such a govern- 
ment as this, of so great a weight as this is, upon 
such conditions and with such considerations as were 
not sudden to me but deliberated, — you know what 
your Petition and Advice did offer me, — when I had 
conference with you two or three times, I expostulated 
with you and dealt clearly and candidly with you ; 
I thought the burden too heavy for any creature. 
And I told you that except there might be this and 
that and [the] other thing, which you agreed to me, 
and upon which you invited me to undertake this 
government, I could not, I would not undertake it. 
And when I had debated all those things with you, 
everything in this government, and you that were 
then in the Legislative capacity agreeing upon such 
a state of government, as that was which you brought 
to me and. I sought not of you, I looked that the same 
men that had made that frame would have made it 
good to me when I came to act your Petition and 
Advice. Give me leave to interpose this. No man, 
no man but a man mistaken, and greatly mistaken, 
could think that I, that hath a burden upon my back 
for the space of fifteen or sixteen years, unless he 
would beforehand judge me an Atheist, would seek 
such a place as I bear. I cannot say 1 it in the 

1 Clarke MS. 1 1 can say.* 



FEB. 4, 1658 391 

presence of God, in comparison of which all we that 
are here [are] like poor creeping ants upon the earth, 
that I would have been glad, as to my own cod science 
and spirit, to have been living under a woodside 
to have kept a flock of sheep, rather than to have 
undertaken such a place as this was. But under- 
taking of it upon such terms as I did. known to you 
all that did advise and petition, that I undertook it for 
the safety of the nation, [I did look that you, that did 
offer it unto me, should have make it good] *. And 
I doubt if you had offered it to the meanest man in 
this room, he would not have undertaken it really, if 
he had but wisely considered his own person. But 
upon such terms really I took it, and I am failed in 
these terms. 

I tell you of one thing that I made a condition 2 . 
I would not undertake it without there might be some 
other body, that might interpose between you and 
me, on the behalf of the Commonwealth to prevent a 
tumultuary and popular spirit. You granted it, that 
I should name another House. And I named it with 
integrity, I did. I named it of men that can meet 
you wheresoever you go and shake hands with you, 
and tell you that it is not titles, it is not lordship, it 
is not this nor that, that they value, but a Christian 
and an English interest. Men of your own rank and 
qualities, and men that I approved my heart to God 

1 Clarke MS., but this may be only another version of concluding 
phrase. 

2 Ibid. 1 1 did tell you at a conference concerning it, that.' 



392 FEB. 4, 1658 

in choosing ; men that I hope[d] would not only be 
a balance to a Commons' House of Parliament but to 
themselves, having honest hearts, loving the same 
things that you love, whilst you love England and 
whilst you love Religion. And having proceeded 
upon these terms and finding such a spirit as is too 
much predominant, everything is either too high or 
too low, and when virtue and honesty and piety and 
justice are aimed at 1 , even in choosing [in] such a 
way as did satisfy my conscience, then I was neither 
too high nor too low, but I pitched upon men that 
I hope will be willing to sacrifice their lives for these 
good interests. I thought in doing that, that was 
my duty to God and satisfying my own conscience, 
I thought it would have satisfied you. But if every- 
thing must be either too high or too low, you are not 
satisfiable, and I pray God misery be not found from 
the Lord, — I hope it will never be found from me, — 
a more necessary teacher than mercy. When I speak 
of mercy, I speak of the mercy that cometh from God 
to you. I take not myself to be able to dispense it 
as I would, but I say I did choose such a House as 
I thought I might answer for upon my life, that 
they would be true to those ends and those things 
that were the ground and state of our war with 
the Cavalier party all along. And what will satisfy, 
if this will not ? 

Again, I would not choose to accept 2 of this govern- 

1 Parliamentary History, ' are omitted.' 

2 Clarke MS. ' I would not have 



FEB. 4, 1658 393 

ment unless I knew that there would be a just reci- 
procation between the government and the governed, 
whether the governed representative or the whole 
collective body ; those that were the representative 
of the whole body of the nation, unless they would 
take an oath to make good what the Parliament 
petitioned and advised me to. Upon that, [the] 
reciprocation of my part was the taking of an oath. 
I did take it. They that petitioned and advised me, 
know that I made everything in this government 
a condition of my oath, and whosoever took the oath 
on their own part, took an oath answerable to mine. 
Did not every man that had a hand in the Petition 
and Advice, and drew me in, — I speak not in an ill 
sense, I would have amended that word, — [and] per- 
suaded me to accept of their Petition and Advice, did 
not every man know upon what conditions I swore, 
and did not every man, that swore with reciprocation, 
know upon what conditions he swore 1 And what 
apprehension soever, what place soever, or sense 
soever this may have in your hearts, I tell you mine 
is different from yours, and I hope, — God knows upon 
what condition I took that oath, — I took it upon the 
condition expressed in the government. And I can 
say, with truth and uprightness, had that government 
been settled, that we had been upon a foundation. 
I tell you what my understanding was of it. That 
when it was once agreed, we were upon a bottom. 
I thought myself bound to take the advice of the two 
Houses in anything, after that foundation was once 



394 FEB. 4, 1658 

agreed, in anything that might have been an emen- 
dation to it. But there was a supposition while we 
stood unsettled in anything till we knew what we 
should come at, the consequence whereof must neces- 
sarily have been absolute confusion. If you had once 
settled the government as it is, — not to make here- 
ditary Lords nor to make hereditary King or Kings, 
— ye had had a basis to stand upon. The power of 
these nations consisting, as this government, in the 
two Houses and myself, whatever had occurred to 
your judgement and your consciences had tended 
upon the same authority, to wit, the legislative power 
to have settled anything that might have been for 
further good. And therefore not to say what the 
meaning of your oath was to you, — that were a little 
to go against mine own principle to enter upon other 
men's consciences, — but I tell you what it was to me 
and in doing that I am satisfied enough. God will 
judge between me and you. 

But alas ! Is this the complaint that there hath 
been a misunderstanding in the way that things 
have been ? There cannot be but misunderstanding, 
through the avoiding to do that that occurs to every 
man's reason. If there were an intention of settle- 
ment you would have settled upon this [basis] to 
have altered or allayed. Ye had the free exercise of 
a legislative power to have offered your judgement 
and opinion when you had pleased. But this hath 
not been done, it hath not. But what hath been 
done 1 Truly that that I cannot speak to you of but 



FEB. 4, 1658 395 

with shame, and with grief, and sorrow. God is my 
witness, I speak it, it is evident to all the world, to 
all the town, to all the army, people living in the 
world, that a new business hath been seeking in 
the room of this, this actual settlement, settlement 
by your consent; and in this I do not speak to those 
Gentlemen or Lords, or whatever you will call them, 
I say not this to them, but I say it to you. You 
advised me to be where I am in this place, you, you 
did, for these persons were not in this capacity ; but 
by you I am in this capacity and they are in this capa- 
city, and yet instead of taken for agreed . It was 

a stated business, the nation had time to look round 
about them. But if you must have and must have 
we know not what, you not only have disquieted 
yourselves, but the whole nation is disquieted ; and 
give me leave to tell you what 1 think, running more 
in arrear of satisfaction, a likelihood of running into 
confusion in fifteen or sixteen days than really they 
have done from your last rising l to this day, which 
was about the 26th of June and through these in- 
ventions of, really, designing a Commonwealth that 
some Tribune of the people might be the man that 
might rule all. This hath been the business really. 
I am sorry to say it, but I think the meanest people 
that go about the streets take notice of it. This is 
the business ; but is this all ? They have engaged, or 
persuaded others to engage to carry that thing on ; 

1 Clarke MS. 'from the rising of the last session.' 



396 FEB. 4, 1658 

and hath that man been true to this nation, whoso- 
ever he be, that hath [dared] \ especially if he hath 
taken an oath, thus to prevaricate ? I tell you, you 
will not think us altogether asleep. We have known 
these things have been designed. We have known 
attempts have been made in the Army to seduce them, 
and almost the greatest confidence hath been in the 
Army to break us and divide us. I speak it in the 
presence of some of the Army, and I must tell you 
those things they have not been according to God nor 
according to truth, they have not. I do deal faith- 
fully with you whilst I have seen the tendency of 
those things to be nothing else, pretend what you will, 
but the playing of the King of Scots his game, if I may 
so say, by beginning tumults and disturbances amongst 
us. I think myself bound as before God to do what I can 
to prevent it, that they go no further. I tell you, nay I 
thought it my duty in conscience to tell you what I told 
you at the last meeting in the Banqueting-House, when 
both the Houses met me there, I did tell you and 
I told you truly, and that which, God is my witness, 
is more confirmed to me since, more confirmed to mo 
within a day or two than I knew of then, that the 
King of Scots hath an army at the waterside, drawn 
down towards the waterside, ready to be shipped for 
England. I tell you that I know this from their own 
mouths and from eye-witnesses of it, and that they 
are in a very great preparation to attempt upon us. 

1 Inserted in margin by another hand. 



FEB. 4, 1658 397 

And whilst that is doing, endeavours from some not 
far from this place to stir up the people of this town 
into tumulting, what if I said rebellion, and I hope 
I shall make it appear to be no better, if God assist 
me. It is not only that, but endeavours hath been to 
pervert the Army whilst you have been sitting, yea, 
and to draw the Army to the state of a question, a 
Commonwealth, a Commonwealth. If we have an 
enemy from the other side of the water ready to 
invade us, [if] we have men listing persons under 
Charles Stuart's commission, to cavalier, to join 
with any insurrection that may be here, and 
our Army endeavoured to be perverted, I beseech 
you all of you to judge with what hope, or comfort, 
or possibility of reason indeed, can it be expected 
that we must not presently run into blood and 
confusion. 

And if this be so, and that I assign it to this cause, 
that which I do heartily and [assuredly] l , even to the 
not assenting to that that you did invite me to, that 
Advice [which] might be the settling of the nation 
and might usher in any further advantages that might 
be for the public good of these nations ; if I see this 
be the effect of your sitting under those carriages, 
I think it high time that an end be put to your 
sitting. And I do declare to you here, that I do 
dissolve this Parliament. Let God judge between 
you and me.' 

1 ' accourdly ' in text. 






NtW YORK, H. Y, 



MARCH 12 % 1658 



52. 



Speech to Officers of the Army in the Banqueting-House 
at Whitehall, Saturday, Feb. 6, 165£. 

[Substance only.] 
* Gentlemen, we have gone along together, and why 
we should now differ I know not. Let me now 
entreat you to deal plainly and freely with me, that 
if any of you cannot in conscience conform to the 
now government, let him speak, for now it hath 
pleased God to put me in a capacity to protect you 
and I will protect you. And he drank to them, and 
many bottles of wine were then drunk but no reply 
made. There was one readable passage, that I omitted 
in his Highness' speech, that he did not doubt but it 
would be made out that some, if not some here pre- 
sent, have been tampering with the Army and the 
City, which if it shall be made to appear, he made no 
question but it was treason.' 

53. 

His Highness' speech to the Lord Mayor, the Aldermen, 
and the Common Council of the City of London, at 
Whitehall, on Friday, March 12, 165|. 

[Substance only.] 

1 The Lord Mayor, the Aldermen, and the Common 

Council of the City being come in full number to 

attend his Highness at Whitehall on Friday, March the 

twelfth, they found there many of the Commanders 



MARCH 12, 1658 399 

and Officers of the Army, who were all admitted to his 
Highness* presence, who in a large speech did repre- 
sent unto them the great deliverances which God 
hath vouchsafed to this nation, during the whole 
course and progress of the late wars, from the vio- 
lence of their implacable enemies, and their combina- 
tions both public and domestic. 

He represented unto them how eminently God had 
owned and prospered him in the great work in which 
he stood interested for the establishment of righteous- 
ness and peace ; And at this present he could not but 
declare unto them the imminent danger in which both 
the City and the whole nation was like to be involved 
by reason of the contrivances of Charles Stuart and 
his party both at home and abroad, who secretly 
have used the utmost of their endeavours to embroil 
the nation and this City, the principal place at which 
they aim, in a new war, which suddenly would ap- 
pear as soon as ever their intended invasion should 
take effect. 

To make the truth of this discovery more apparent, 
his Highness insisted that he knew it to be true, and 
not only by letters of his and the City's adversaries 
which were intercepted, but by certain intelligence 
from several other hands beyond the seas of their 
proceedings, as also by information from the mouths 
of such persons who had promised to engage them- 
selves to comply and act with them. And to make 
this yet more manifest, he informed that the Lord of 
Ormond, — whom by his own party is now called the 



400 MARCH 12, 1658 

Duke of Ormond, — had been in person in this city 
for three weeks together, being come out of Flanders 
on purpose to draw all unto him that possibly he 
could by encouraging and engaging them to forsake 
all other interests to adhere unto the cause of his 
master ; his Highness did also acquaint them that he 
having used his uttermost endeavours to promote the 
cause for which he came, he departed privately from 
London on Tuesday, March the ninth. 

But what was above all, he declared that in order 
to this invasion Charles Stuart was waiting in Flan- 
ders, having got together an army of about eight 
thousand horse and foot, whom he had quartered in 
several commodious places near unto the sea-side, as 
Bruges, Brussels, Ostend and other places ; and that 
withal he had contracted for two and twenty ships, 
who were in readiness to transport his army, and only 
waited for the opportunity of some dark night to slip 
by the English fleet, when the mist had covered the 
face of the sea ; and in being ships of no great burden, 
he represented that the ships of the enemy had some 
advantage over our ships, who were of a great burden 
and drawing much water and therefore not able to 
ride upon the Flats. 

He concluded, that seeing the danger 1 was so 
apparent and so near at hand, and that the safety and 
the peace of the city and the whole nation was highly 
concerned in it, he desired the City to be sensible of 
it, and laid open to them how deeply it concerned them 

1 ' dangers ' in text. 



MARCH 17, 1658 401 

to provide for their own security and the security of 
the whole nation. He therefore recommended to the 
Lord Mayor and Aldermen, and Common Council of 
the City, there assembled, the settling of their Militia, 
and that it might be established in the hands of 
faithful and pious men and such as were well affected 
to the present government, and such as are free 
from all discontent and faction ; to put the City into 
a posture of defence that they may be ready to sup- 
press all tumults and insurrections designed by the 
enemy against the peace and safety of the City. 

This and much more to this effect his Highness 
represented as to the transaction of the affairs of 
State from the beginning of the wars unto this pre- 
sent, and the happy propagation of the gospel in these 
three nations. 

The citizens departed with great cheerfulness and 
satisfaction . . . &c.' 

54. 

Reply to the gentlemen presenting ' The Humble Petition 
and Representation of the Lord Mayor, Aldermen, and 
Commons of the City of London in Common Council 
assembled,' at Whitehall, Wednesday, March 17, 165 1. 

[Substance only.] 
c . . . his Highness in brief expressed his sense and 
high esteem of the fidelity and good affection of the 
petitioners, and desired that his hearty thanks might 
be returned to the Lord Mayor, Aldermen, and Com- 
mon Council, for the same.' 

Dd 



402 APRIL 17, 1658 

55. 

Speech to the gentlemen presenting (1) The Humble 
Address from the Commissioners for the Militia of the 
City of London ; (2) The Humble Representation and 
Petition of the Colonels . . . &c, of the several 
regiments of the Trained Bands of the City of London. 
At Whitehall, Friday, April 17, 1658. 

[Substance only.] 

' .... his Highness was pleased to declare his 
gracious acceptance of these cordial Addresses and how 
high a resentment he hath of the fidelity and good 
affections of the City in this time of danger, threat- 
ened by the common enemy. 

And before he dismissed them, he was pleased to 
acquaint them with some things in general, relating 
to the enemy's designs from abroad, and the actings of 
some conspirators here at home ; there having been 
endeavours used to tamper with those that have com- 
mand in a principal port and garrison to betray it for 
the landing of Charles Stuart's forces out of Flanders, 
from whom several commissions were sent over to 
the parties, which commissions are ready to be pro- 
duced. 

He intimated also unto them divers other things 
relating to the enemy's design, for the promoting 
whereof many were engaged in several parts and 
divers of them persons of great quality, with whom 
a course will ere long be taken and their treasons 
manifested to the world, an High Court of Justice 



APRIL 17, 1658 403 

being to be erected, by the advice of the Privy 
Council, for the trial of those persons, according to 
the Act of Parliament in that behalf made and pro- 
vided. Diverse other things were spoken by his 
Highness, but because the persons guilty were not 
named, the passages are omitted till the particulars 
upon trial come to be more fully known.' 



d d 2 

r£> T 



NOTES 



From « Perfect Occurrences of Parliament . . . , From Friday 
the 6 of December, till Friday the 13 of the same, 1644/ p. 3> 
Bodleian, Hope Adds. 11 34. 

' Monday, Dec. 9. This day the Parliament voted that Vote 
to take off all Members of either House from all offices and 
places, civil and martial, which in a full House, about 200, it 
was carried very clear, as we shall shortly see by the Ordinance. 
Indeed some opposed it and said that it would prove the 
breaking and ruin of our armies, and we should be all undone 
by it ; and divers other oppositions was made against it by some, 
and by others as excellently pleaded for. Amongst the rest, 
Lieutenant- General Crumwell said to this effect :— ' 

What follows is evidently only a small portion of the speech, 
as the writer continues, ' With many other most admirable ex- 
pressions, which he and divers other Members of the House had, 
far more full and satisfactory than I can here express, &c.' 
Perfect Occurrences of Parliament. Speech 2 was delivered on 
the same day, at some other time during the progress of the 
debate. The struggle for the reorganization of the Army was 
finally concluded by April 3 in the following year. Essex, 
Manchester, and Waller gave up their commissions, and the 
Parliamentary Army was then remodelled under the command 
of Sir Thomas Fairfax. The services of Cromwell were retained 
by Act of Parliament. 

Cromwell is mentioned as having spoken in the House of 
Commons, on Feb. 11, i62§, against Dr. Alablaster's preaching 
of flat Popery at Paul's Cross. From that time forward we may 



406 NOTES 

assume that he spoke often. He was speaking in the House 
in Nov., 1640, 'the first time' that Sir Philip Warwick ' ever 
took notice of him,' and from this gentleman we have received 
an interesting description of Cromwell's appearance and manner 
of speaking. During the year 1644 occurred the quarrel with 
Manchester, a narrative of which has been printed by the 
Camden Society. This has been omitted from the present 
book, as not being properly a speech, but it doubtless contains 
the substance of many speeches made during November. On 
Dec. 4 of this same year Cromwell delivered a long reply to the 
charges brought against him by Manchester, absolutely denying 
them : of this speech no report seems to exist. 

An excellent little description of Cromwell, as a speaker, is 
given by Mr. Richard Fleckno in The Idea of His Highness 
Oliver, fyc, London, 1659. 

' For speaking in the House, he had a strong and masculine 
eloquence, more able to persuade, more he was persuaded of 
what he said. His expressions hardy, opinions resolute, asseve- 
rations grave and vehement, his sentences weighty, always 
intermixt with sentences of Scripture, to give them the greater 
weight ; with which he so governed and swayed the House, as 
he had always the leading voice : compared to which the fol- 
lowing ones were only as cyphers, in comparison of numbers. 
Those who find no such wonders in his speeches, may find it in 
the effect. I have read speeches that have worked strange 
effects, and you would wonder at their plainness, whilst others 
you would wonder at their eloquence, have produced no effect 
at all. 'Tis not the spirit of the thing that's spoke, that gives 
it it's force and energy, but of him who speaks it ; &c.' 
Bodleian, Crynes 244. 

2. 

From Rushworth, Historical Collections, 1701, Vol. I of the 
4th Part (Vol. VII), p. 4. 

' Casting off all lingering proceedings, like those of soldiers-of- 
fortune beyond the sea, to spin out a war.'' 

Lieut.-Col. T. S. Baldock remarks that, ' In that sentence 



NOTES 407 

lies the difference between the old style and the new, between 
war as carried on by professional mercenaries and as carried 
on by nations under arms.' Speaking of Cromwell's method, 
he adds, ' His was essentially an offensive warfare, both in 
strategy or tactics.' Cromwell as a Soldier, 1899, p. 5 19- (Fifth 
volume of The Wolseley Series, edited by Capt. Walter H. 
James.) 



From Clarke MS. 41, fol. 50 ; Worcester College, Oxford. 

On this occasion Cromwell spoke as a Commissioner of 
Parliament. Active discontent in the Army had prevailed 
almost as far back as Feb. 16, the day on which the House 
favourably received a petition from Suffolk requesting the 
establishment of Presbyterianism as the national religion, the 
suppression of an accursed toleration, and the disbandment of 
the Army ; the day also on which the King arrived at Holmby 
House, a prisoner, under the care of Parliament. The discon- 
tent was brought to light by the attempt of the House of 
Commons to execute a scheme, brought forward on Feb. 18, for 
the disbandment of the Army and the employment of the men 
in Ireland ; but it was much encouraged both before and after 
by the hostile and uncertain behaviour of the Presbyterian 
majority towards the military party. On March 21a Commis- 
sion was sent down to Saffron Walden, which met Fairfax and 
his officers. The officers demanded a satisfactory answer to 
four questions, What regiments were to be kept in pay in Eng- 
land? Who was to command the Army in Ireland? What 
assurance was there for the payment and subsistence of those 
who went to Ireland ? What satisfaction was to be given in 
point of arrears and indemnity for the past service in England ? 
On the following day they resolved to embody these questions 
in a petition, a proposal which seems to have given offence to 
the Commissioners. The soldiers also drew a petition, finally 
addressed to Fairfax, asking for indemnity and payment of 
arrears. On March 27, when the Commissioners reported to 



408 NOTES 

Parliament, they produced a copy of the soldiers' petition, 
which the House ordered Fairfax to suppress. Two days later 
the House, alarmed by rumours, passed a Declaration of their 
high dislike of the Petition, denouncing the promoters as 
enemies of the State. The House of Lords gave their adher- 
ence to this the next day, March 30, and it was then published 
as a Declaration of the whole Parliament. 

Little notice was taken of the alarm and indignation thus 
created in the Army, and a second Commission was sent on 
April 15 to arrange with Fairfax for the disbandment and 
volunteering for Ireland. The four queries were again put 
forward, and the officers, apparently under the impression that 
Skippon, who had lately been appointed by Parliament to the 
command in Ireland, would not go, unanimously called for their 
old generals : they also appointed a Committee to draw up 
a representation to Parliament. On April 16 the House passed 
an Ordinance authorizing the City to appoint a new Militia 
Committee ; a device for getting rid of the Independent 
members and dismissing the Independent officers in the City 
Trained-bands. Among the soldiers, now discontented and 
suspicious, much talk was heard of bringing the King to 
London and setting him up in opposition to Parliament, 
a threat which doubtless decided the House on April 21 to 
send the Newcastle Propositions once more to the King. On 
April 27 the Commissioners, having completely failed, made 
their report to Parliament ; the officers also sent some of their 
number with a Vindication l of their conduct in supporting the 
soldiers' Petition. At this moment the Houses voted six weeks' 
pay on disbandment ; and Skippon accepted the command in 
Ireland. But the mischief already done was past remedy. 
Representatives of the regiments addressed letters to Fairfax, 
Cromwell, and Skippon. These were read in the House on 
April 30, together with the officers' vindication, for the first 
time, and afforded sufficient proof of discontent and political 
organization in the Army. Much alarmed the House turned to 
their military Members for help. Thus it was that Skippon, 

1 Bodleian, C. 14. 14, Line. 



NOTES 409 

Cromwell, Ireton, and Fleetwood went as a third Commission 
to endeavour the quieting of the Army, and to announce that 
an indemnity would be brought in and most of the arrears 
paid - at once. On May 7 they met the officers in Saffron 
Walden Church, and directed them to collect the views of the 
men. The representatives of the various regiments accordingly 
chose two men for each regiment, afterwards known as Agita- 
tors, who conferred with the officers. On May 15 a second 
meeting took place between the officers and the Commissioners. 
On May 16 a third meeting took place, when the officers handed 
in a Declaration from the Army. 

This contained a narrative of the late proceedings, a com- 
plaint that six weeks' arrears was not enough, and a claim of 
right to petition Parliament. It will be noticed that in his 
speech Cromwell announces that the six weeks have been 
extended to eight. 

A narrative of these meetings is to be found in the Clarke 
MS., together with a letter from the Commissioners to Parlia- 
ment, and their final report, which affirms the sufferings of the 
soldiers and justifies the action of the officers. The narrative 
has been carefully edited by Mr. C. H. Firth for the Camden 
Society. Mr. Gardiner's History of the Great Civil War, vol. iii, 
from which these few facts are taken, should be read side by 
side with these earlier speeches. 

Cromwell also spoke at the Convention of Officers on Satur- 
day, May 15, but his speech is recorded very briefly in the 
Clarke MS. Skippon said, that the Commissioners were there 
to receive from the officers an account of how they had im- 
proved their utmost endeavours with the several regiments, 
and he expressed a hope that they would receive a good 
account. Cromwell then said, ' that what the Major-General 
expressed was the sense of them all.' In the account of the 
proceedings on Sunday, a blank space is left on fol. 39 for 
another speech of his, which preceded the one here given. 



410 NOTES 

4. 

From Worcester College MS. N. 12 (formerly MS. lxvii), 
ff. 93-105. 

When Cromwell spoke at Saffron Walden, on May 16, 
evidently he supposed Parliament to be willing to redress 
the grievances of the Army : Skippon certainly had no doubts, 
if we are to judge by his speeches. Yet it is impossible to 
believe that they were not aware of the real state of affairs, 
or that they can have regarded their work otherwise than 
useless ceremony. The Presbyterian majority made no secret 
of their intention to procure military support against the 
Army, both from the City and Scotland. On May 1 8, before 
they had received the report from their Commissioners, they 
appointed a Committee to consider the disbandment of 
such forces as should not go to Ireland. This hasty action, 
together with the favourable reception they had given to 
the King's reply, and their harsh treatment of petitioners, 
caused fresh agitation in the Army. When, therefore, on 
May 21, Cromwell read the Report of the Commissioners in 
the House of Commons, mutual distrust was greater than 
ever, and the Ordinances passed on behalf of the soldiers 
were regarded as mere devices for gaining time. On May 25 
the House resolved to proceed with disbandment : the Army 
resisted. The Committee sent down to disband Fairfax's 
regiment had to return ; the seizure of the Army's artillery 
train, by order of the House, was prevented ; the King was re- 
moved from Parliamentary custody at Holmby House. On June 3 
and 4 the House again changed front and passed a series of 
votes favourable to the soldiers, at the same time taking steps 
to procure military support against them. On the 4th, near 
Newmarket, the soldiers presented to Fairfax The Humble 
Representation of the dissatisfactions of the Army, and on the 
following day they handed in A Solemn Engagement of the 
Army, which demanded ' the erection of a Council of the 
Army to be composed in the first place of those general officers 
who had hitherto sided with the Soldiers, and in the second 
place of two Commissioned officers, and two private soldiers to 



NOTES 411 

be chosen for each regiment.' In effect this meant the 
acknowledgement of hostilities between the Army and Parlia- 
ment, and the creation of a recognized Authority for the 
former ; a fact which became apparent at Triploe Heath on the 
ioth, when the conciliatory votes of Parliament were referred 
to the newly erected Council. The House thereupon passed 
warlike resolutions, and the Army marched to St. Albans, 
producing on June 15 The Declaration of the Army. This 
demanded the purging of the House of corrupt members and 
the incapacitating of those who had defamed the Army ; 
a date was to be fixed for the dissolution, and a period for 
the duration of future Parliaments ; the right to petition was 
to be clearly acknowledged. This Declaration was followed by 
a Charge in the name of the Army against eleven Members. 
As the Houses seemed inclined to resist, the Army moved to 
Uxbridge on June 25, repeating the demand for the exclusion 
of the Members, whereupon the eleven Members withdrew. 
On June 28 the Army presented its demands to the House, 
and on July 3 removed to Reading, when it seemed likely 
that Parliament would assent. The suspicion was strong, how- 
ever, that Parliament still intended to employ the Scotch, and 
enlist the Reformadoes in London, and though the House 
passed an Ordinance for the expulsion of the latter, the general 
feeling of alarm was so great that the Agitators presented on 
July 16, to the General Council, a Paper demanding an imme- 
diate march to London, with five objects in view: — the seques- 
tration of the impeached Members ; the restoration of the old 
Militia Committee ; a declaration against the use of foreign 
troops; the liberation of prisoners; and the payment of 
arrears. 

The speeches here printed were delivered during the discus- 
sion on this Paper. It was decided not to march on London, 
and on the 17th four requests only were resolved upon at 
a General Council of War. These referred to the declaration 
against the use of foreign forces, to the payment of the Army, 
to the restoration of the old Militia Committee in the City, 
and the release of prisoners. 

As so much discussion took place over the manner of sending 



412 NOTES 

these, it may be of interest to quote the heading to these pro- 
posals : — 

1 The Proposals delivered to the Earl of Nottingham and the 
rest of the Commissioners of Parliament residing with the 
Army, from his Excellency Sir Thomas Fairfax and the Army. 
Resolved upon at a General Council of War held at Reading, 
July 17, 1647, &c. 

' These several ensuing particulars being considered, debated, 
and resolved upon at a General Council of War (his Excel- 
lency being present), we the Commissioners of the Army were 
appointed, in the name and behalf of them, to present the 
same to your Lordships and the Commissioners to he tendered 
with all speed to the Parliament ; which we accordingly offer, and 
desire your speedy care therein, that so an answer, according to the 
desire and expectation of the Army, may be speedily returned to 
these particulars 1 .'' 

Various Papers, between the Commissioners of Parliament 
and the Army, are to be found in Rushworth, Commons' Jour- 
nals, Clarke MS., and pamphlets, but it is by no means easy 
to arrange them so as to meet Cromwell's account of the pro- 
ceedings. 

On July 17, Ireton introduced The Heads of the Proposals. 
Cromwell spoke during the debate, but the report in the 
Clarke MS. is so incomplete as to be almost useless. It can be 
read in the Camden Society's publication, already referred to. 

P. 5. The passages printed in small type are intended to 
convey to the reader, in a condensed form, the general character 
of the discussions and proceedings which occurred between 
Cromwell's speeches. If they appear sometimes to be irrelevant, 
this is probably due to the shortcomings of the MS. 

P. 6. ' Agitators ' were representatives chosen by the various 
regiments. They were at first known as Commissioners or 
Representatives. For an investigation of the history of this 
word, see Gardiner" s History of the Great Civil War, vol. iii. p. 60. 

Pp. 6, 8, 9, &c. ' The General ' and ' his Excellency ' refer 
to Sir Thomas Fairfax, Commander-in-Chief of the Parlia- 
mentary forces. 

1 Bodleian, Ashmole 1006. 



NOTES 413 

P. 9. ' Reformadoes,' a name given to the soldiers disbanded, 
when the New Model Army was formed in 1645. Large num- 
bers of them had collected in London, and their presence there 
caused some anxiety to the Army leaders. Not only did their 
continual demands for payment of arrears add to the general 
feeling of unrest, but it was always possible that Parliament 
might be able, by satisfying their demands, to enlist their 
services against the Army. 

P. 9. ' Care taken of all of them only two,' doubtless means 
' except two.' 

P. 16. Difficulties in the text, here and elsewhere, are 
apparent. For ' I am sorry I did it,' perhaps we should read 
1 1 am sorry it did.' Two lines further on a slight alteration in 
the punctuation will entirely change the meaning. ' We are, 
as our friends are elsewhere, very swift in our affections and 
desires, and truly I am very often judged for one that goes too 
fast that way. And it is the property of men that are [thus 
swift] (as I am apt to be full of apprehensions that dangers are 
not so real as imaginary) to be always making haste, and more 
sometimes perhaps than good speed. We are apt, &c.' If 
read thus, ' We ' refers to the Agitators, from whose eagerness 
Cromwell is anxious to dissociate himself. 



5. 

From Worcester College MS. N. 12 (formerly MS. lxvii), 
ff. 1-25 b. 

The settlement secured by the acceptance of the Four Re- 
quests was of very brief duration. On July 26 the Houses were 
compelled by mob-violence to recall their concessions. This 
event led to the retreat of the Independent Peers and Members 
to the Army, the military occupation of London, and prac- 
tically the purging of the House in the interests of the Army. 
Such discord was not wholly to the advantage of the King, 
who, ever since the sending of the first Commission to Saffron- 
Walden, had steadily improved his position. Hitherto he had 
skilfully hesitated between the proposals of Presbyterians and 



414 NOTES 

the Army leaders. Now, however, the decisive victory of the 
Armv compelled him to shew his hand. On or about July 28, the 
Heads of the Proposals were offered to him ; these he rejected. 
Thereupon, the House, now controlled by the Army, adopted 
on Aug. 27 the Newcastle Propositions slightly amended. On 
Sept. 21 the House received the King's answer, expressing his 
preference for the Proposals and asking for a personal treaty. 
Many of the Independent party at once decided that it was 
useless to treat with such a man, and a Vote of No Addresses 
was only defeated on the following day by the influence of 
Cromwell and those who thought an understanding still pos- 
sible. The policy of the King in fact was devoted too much to 
the pleasure of confounding his opponents ; and it has been 
pointed out that on this occasion he nearly caused a lasting 
split in the Independent party. That policy, however, cost 
the King his head, for it not only disappointed the Officers and 
finally united them in animosity against him, but it largely 
created that dissatisfaction in the Army which allowed them no 
other course. The soldiers were intensely irritated by the long 
delay and the endeavour of their leaders to treat with the King. 
On Oct. 18 they presented to Fairfax The Case of the Army 
Truly stated, who 'judged that their intentions were honest,' 
and ' thought it meet it should be presented to the Generall 
Councell.' After much discussion the Agitators drew up TJie 
Agreement of the People, as representing their desire for a settle- 
ment. Upon this a discussion was held on October 28. The 
speeches of Cromwell here printed were made on this occa- 
sion, and display clearly enough the difficulty of controlling 
the increasing discontent. 

As an example of the abuse Cromwell and Ireton suffered 
in their endeavours to treat with the King and control the 
Army, it is interesting to read, A Call to all the Souldiers of 
the Annie, by the free people of England, 1647. This appears to 
have been written by the Agitators. The preface is addressed to 
the five regiments who had elected new Agitators shortly before 
the Case of the Army was presented to Fairfax. It refers 
throughout to the leading officers in violent terms, warning 
these regiments not to 'give ear in aniwise to the Syrene- 



NOTES 415 

songs of flatterers, temporisers, neuters, and hypocrits,' and 
asserting that ' one of the surest marks of deceivers is to make 
fair, long, and eloquent speeches.' It continues, ' Those of 
you, that use your thursday General-Councels of late, might 
have observed so much of this kind of jugling, false-hood, 
and double-dealing,' . . . ' especially in their debates about the 
aforesaid Case of the Army, now published and subscribed by 
you. Wherein though the Generall was so ingenuous, as to 
move for the publicke reading thereof, yet the Commissary- 
Generall Ireton, and Lieutenant-Generall Cromwell, yea, and 
most of the Court, would and did proceed to censure & judge 
both it and the Authors and promoters thereof, without 
reading it, and ever since do impudently boast and glory 
in that their victory.' The writer then proceeds to observe 
that, ' It is very wonderfull, that such understanding men, 
should so soon fall into the same pernitious courses of those 
late impeached fugitives, their predecessors, Hollis and Staple- 
ton, seeming to account all other men meer fooles but them- 
selves ; . . . but as they were in some degree, so will these in 
a greater measure, be taught some new lessons of better man- 
ners ; ' . . . 'In the Councell they held forth to you, the bloody 
Flagge of threats and terrors, talk't of nothing but Faction, 
dividing-principles, Anarchy, of hanging, punishing, yea, and 
impudently maintained that your Regiments were abused, and 
the aforesaid Case not truly subscribed, and did appoint a Com- 
mittee ad terrorem ; and abroad they hold forth the White-flag 
of accomodation and satisfaction, &c.' 

' This is certain, in the House of Commons, both he and his 
Father Cromwell, do so earnestly and palpably carry on the King's 
design, that your best friends there are amazed thereat, . . . 
and this they do in the name of the whole Army, . . . threaten 
the House into a compliance with the King your most deadly 
enemy, and who if things go on thus, will deceive both you 
and them, yea, and all that act most for him.' As a remedy, 
the writer says, ' Resist the Devill and he will fly from you,' 
but this is followed, in the Call, by more practical advice, ' Yee 
can create new Officers, necessity hath no law, and against it 
there is no plea, the safety of the people is above all law ; if ye 



416 NOTES 

be not very speedy, effectuall, and do your work throughly, and 
not by halves as it hath been, yee and wee perish inevitably.' 

An Agreement of the People for a firm and present peace, 
upon grounds of common right and freedom ; as it was proposed 
by the Agents of the five Regiments of Horse ; &c, 1647. 

An Agreement of the People, for a firm and present peace, upon 
grounds of common right. 

Having by our late labours and hazards made it appear to 
the world at how high a rate we value our just freedom, and 
God having so far owned our cause, as to deliver the enemies 
thereof into our hands : We do now hold ourselves bound in 
mutual duty to each other, to take the best care we can for 
the future, to avoid both the danger of returning into a slavish 
condition, and the chargeable remedy of another war : for as 
it cannot be imagined that so many of our countrymen would 
have opposed us in this quarrel, if they had understood their 
own good ; so may we safely promise to ourselves, that when 
our common rights and liberties shall be cleared, their en- 
deavours will be disappointed, that seek to make themselves 
our masters : since therefore our former oppressions, and scarce 
yet ended troubles have been occasioned, either by want of 
frequent national meetings in Council, or by rendering those 
meetings ineffectual ; We are fully agreed and resolved, to 
provide that hereafter our Representatives be neither left to 
an uncertainty for the time, nor made useless to the ends for 
which they are intended : In order whereunto we declare, 

1. 

That the people of England, being at this day very un- 
equally distributed by Counties, Cities, and Boroughs, for the 
election of their Deputies in Parliament, ought to be more 
indifferently proportioned, according to the number of the 
inhabitants: the circumstances whereof, for number, place, 
and manner, are to be set down before the end of this present 
Parliament. 

II. 

That to prevent the many inconveniences apparently arising, 
from the long continuance of the same persons in authority, 



NOTES 417 

this present Parliament be dissolved upon the last day of 
September, which shall be in this year of our Lord, 1648. 

III. 

That the people do of course choose themselves a Parliament 
once in two years, viz. upon the first Thursday in every second 
March, after the manner as shall be prescribed before the end 
of this Parliament, to begin to sit upon the first Thursday in 
April following, at Westminster, or such other place as shall 
be appointed from time to time by the preceding Represen- 
tatives ; and to continue till the last day of September, then 
next ensuing, and no longer. 

IV. 

That the power of this, and all future Representatives of this 
nation, is inferior only to theirs who choose them, and doth 
extend, without the consent or concurrence of any other person 
or persons ; to the enacting, altering, and repealing of laws ; 
to the erecting and abolishing of offices and courts ; to the 
appointing, removing, and calling to account magistrates, and 
officers of all degrees ; to the making war and peace, to the 
treating with foreign States : and generally, to whatsoever is 
not expressly, or impliedly reserved by the represented to 
themselves. 

Which are asfolloweth, 

1. That matters of religion, and the ways of God's worship, 
are not at all entrusted by us to any human power, because 
therein we cannot remit or exceed a tittle of what our con- 
sciences dictate to be the mind of God, without wilful sin : 
nevertheless the public way of instructing the nation (so it be 
not compulsive) is referred to their discretion. 

2. That the matter of impresting and constraining any of 
us to serve in the wars, is against our freedom ; and therefore 
we do not allow it in our Representatives ; the rather, because 
money (the sinews of war) being always at their disposal, they 
can never want numbers of men, apt enough to engage in any 
just cause. 

3. That after the dissolution of this present Parliament, no 
person be at any time questioned for anything said or done, 

E e 



418 NOTES 

in reference to the late public differences, otherwise than in 
execution of the judgments of the present Representatives, or 
House of Commons. 

4. That in all laws made, or to be made, every person may- 
be bound alike, and that no tenure, estate, charter, degree, 
birth, or place, do confer any exemption from the ordinary 
course of legal proceedings, whereunto others are subjected. 

5. That as the laws ought to be equal, so they must be good, 
and not evidently destructive to the safety and well-being of 
the people. 

These things we declare to he our native rights, and therefore are 
agreed and resolved to maintain them with our utmost possibilities, 
against all opposition whatsoever, being compelled thereunto, not 
only by the examples of our ancestors, whose blood was often spent 
in vain for the recovery of their freedoms, suffering themselves, 
through fraudulent accommodations, to be still deluded of the 
fruit of their victories, but also by our own woeful experience, who 
having long expected, and dearly earned the establishment of these 
certain rules of government are yet made to depend for the settle- 
ment of our peace and freedom upon him that intended our 
bondage, and brought a cruel war upon us, 

Bodleian, C. 14. 14. Line. 

The Agreement of the People, as finally drawn up, should 
also be read. It is printed in Gardiner's Constitutional Docu- 
ments, p. 270. 



6. 

From Worcester College MS. N. 12 (formerly MS. lxvii), 
ff. 26-63 b. 

The description of these meetings, as given in the MS., does 
not always seem correct. The account of this meeting is 
headed 'At the meeting of the Officers for calling upon 
God . . .' Adjutant- General Deane's motion (p. 49), however, 
seems to mark the close of the prayer-meeting, so that this 
debate, even if it followed immediately, deserves some other 
title. It was not exactly a meeting of the General Council, 



NOTES 419 

but it consisted of such members as had attended the prayer- 
meeting, and some Agitators and Gentlemen. 

P. 61. Cromwell's remark, * Servants, while servants, are not 
included. Then you agree that he that receives alms is to be 
excluded,' seems to point to some progress having been made 
in amendments. This is not in the original Agreement, but is 
to be found in the scheme finally agreed on, ' That the electors 
in every division shall be natives or denizens of England ; not 
persons receiving alms, but such as are assessed ordinarily to- 
wards the relief of the poor ; no servants to, and receiving wages 
from, any particular person ' ; see Gardiner's Constitutional 
Documents, p. 274. 



7. 

From Worcester College MS. N. 12, ff. 67-84. 

The refusal of the King to renew his parole at Hampton 
Court, which happened a day or two before November 1, and 
his scheming with the Scottish Commissioners, are the two 
facts which should be kept in mind, when reading the account 
of this meeting. Ill feeling in the army against the King was 
rapidly increasing, and those who desired to deprive him of 
authority were no longer afraid to say so. 

P. 64. ' The Case of the Armie Truly stated, &c, humbly 
proposed by the Agents of the five Regiments of Horse, to their 
respective Regiments and the whole Army. As it was presented 
by Mr. Edmond Bear, and Mr. William Russell, Oct. 15, 1647, 
unto his Excellency, Sir Thomas Fairfax, &c. London, Printed 
in the Yeare 1647.' B.M., E. 411 (9); Bodleian, G. Pamph. 
1786 (27) without title-page. 

P. 69. Ireton's concluding remarks are difficult to under- 
stand. It will be observed that the Agreement of the People 
does say both when and where Parliament is to meet. Yet 
Cromwell also says (p. 65) that there is no assurance to the 
people but that Parliament is perpetual. Perhaps there was 
a yet earlier draft of the Agreement, which did not contain 
these particulars ; see date on p. 417, 1. 2. 
e e 2 



420 NOTES 

8. 

From Worcester College MS. N. 12, fol. 88. 



9. 

From ' Treason Arraigned, in Answer to Plain English ' ; 
London, 1660. 

Clarendon (ed. 1888, vol. iv. p. 281) gives the following 
account of this speech : — 'That the King was a man of great 
parts and a great understanding, but that he was so great 
a dissembler and so false a man, that he was not to be trusted ' 
. . . ' that whilst he professed with all solemnity that he 
referred himself wholly to the Parliament and depended only 
upon their wisdom and counsel for the settlement and com- 
posing the distractions of the kingdom, he had at the same 
time secret treaties with the Scots' Commissioners, how he 
might embroil the nation in a new war and destroy the Parlia- 
ment. He concluded, that they might no farther trouble 
themselves with sending messages to him, or farther proposi- 
tions, but that they might enter upon those counsels which 
were necessary towards the settlement of the kingdom without 
having further recourse to the King.' 

In the Note to Speech 7, allusion is made to the King's 
refusal to renew his parole. On Nov. 11 he escaped from 
Hampton Court and proceeded to the Isle of Wight, apparently 
undecided whether to go abroad or to join the Scots, or per- 
haps yet hopeful of gaining some definite advantage out of 
the confusion at home. On Nov. 16 he sent a message to 
the Houses, proposing a basis of settlement. On the 25th, the 
Lords selected four of the Newcastle Propositions to be sent 
to the King as a test of his sincerity : these were converted 
into Bills by the Commons, and presented to him on Dec. 24. 
Two days later, the King having been in communication with 
the Scottish Commissioners signed the Engagement. On the 
28th he dismissed the Parliamentary Commissioners with a defi- 
nite rejection of the Four Bills. On Jan. 3, when the King's 



NOTES 421 

answer was taken into consideration, a Member moved that the 
King should be impeached and the kingdom settled without 
him. After much debate a Vote of No Addresses was carried. 
Cromwell's speech was delivered during this debate. It de- 
notes, as will be seen, a complete change of front. 

The Independent Officers of the Army had made a genuine 
attempt to settle with the King. Had they persisted, the 
Army would have been without discipline and anarchy might 
have resulted. This would not have been any advantage to 
the King, as is usually assumed, if we are to judge by the rapid 
spread of extreme political doctrines among the soldiers. But 
it did mean danger to national institutions, perhaps even to 
national existence, and it is characteristic of Cromwell that 
he decided at the very last to stand by the Army with the 
intention of guiding it if he could for the best, or at least of 
averting the worst. 



10. 

From Worcester College MS. N. 12, ff. 147-50. 

This speech is headed as follows : — ' It being for the business 
of Ireland it was propounded by Col. Whalley, Sir Hardress 
Waller, and other officers, that the Lt.-General would declare 
himself, whether he would go or no ? 

The Lieutenant-General answered, that as to will, he was 
upon the appointment of the Parliament ready to submit. 
That the work was a great work and would require more of the 
will and minds of men to carry it on, necessary and convenient 
supplies, eight regiments of foot and 3000 horse.' 

A note is then added, apparently written by Cromwell, which 
refers to another document, now missing : — 

' The Council of State hath by these gentlemen returned 
this answer, which in effect was to represent me Commander- 
in-Chief.' 

The MS. then begins with the speech, as given above, ' I told 
them also, &c.' 

This meeting ended with an amusing incident. ' Col. Hewson 



422 NOTES 

made a learned speech, and instead of addressing himself to 
his Excellency [Fairfax] said, An't please your Majesty.' 

1 With Ormond planning an invasion, and with the Royalist 
gentry ready from Lancashire to Cornwall to welcome him and 
his Irish followers, the army — or at least its commanders — 
could have no other thought than to tear up the mischief by 
the roots in its own soil. It is easy to say that England could 
never have been conquered by an Irish army, or that the party 
which endeavoured to profit by such aid would have been con- 
demned to lasting obloquy. It was Cromwell's duty to take 
care that the danger should never arise. Ormond had without 
difficulty thrown English regiments from Ireland on the Western 
coast of England in 1643 ; and if he now succeeded in master- 
ing Dublin it would be hard to prevent a repetition of the 
same operation with Irish regiments in 1649.' 

' Cromwell's acceptance of the command in Ireland was but 
one step more in the evolution of the original quarrel. For 
some time it had been becoming clear that the conflict between 
King and Parliament for supremacy at Westminster was widen- 
ing out into a conflict for the supremacy of England in the 
British Isles. That it was so was owing to the eagerness of 
Royalists to enlist the forces of Scotland and Ireland in their 
own behoof, and it is no wonder that Cromwell and his officers 
had made up their minds that rather than Scotland or Ireland 
should interfere in the political development of England, an 
English army should interfere in the political development of 
Scotland and Ireland.' Gardiner's History of the Commonwealth, 
vol. i. pp. 29, 30. 

11. 

From 'The Perfect Diurnall,' &c, May 21-28. B.M. 195 c, 
17-9. Reprinted in Cromwelliana. 

Commons' Journals, vol. vi. p. 218, records the 'thanks of the 
House ' under the date, May 26, Cromwell being present. If 
the account given in the Perfect Diurnall be correct, his narra- 
tive was made the same day. 

The opening months of this year were remarkable for the 



NOTES 423 

rapid spread and popularity of the political and social reforms 
demanded by the Levellers. Digging and sowing of waste 
lands, violent manifestoes, petitions, and strange processions 
added to the national unrest, all of which might have passed 
without harm had it not encouraged a spirit of mutiny in the 
army. On April 17, when the regiments were selected to go to 
Ireland, a large number of soldiers 'who had resolved not 
to leave England till the demands of the Levellers had been 
granted— three hundred in Hewson's regiment alone — threw 
down their arms. 1 They were cashiered, but on April 24 discon- 
tent again broke out, men in Whalley's regiment refusing to 
march, and not submitting till Fairfax and Cromwell appeared 
on the scene. For this, a man called Robert Lockyer was shot 
to death, his funeral being made the occasion of a great demon- 
stration by his admirers. About May 2, Scrope's regiment at 
Salisbury refused to march further, and on May 6 an outbreak 
occurred at Banbury. Fairfax and Cromwell hastened to crush 
the mutiny. On the 9th they reviewed their troops in Hyde 
Park, when Cromwell addressed the men in a speech, un- 
fortunately lost to us, and then pushed rapidly forward by 
way of Andover. The mutineers at Salisbury, now joined by 
others, marched north by Marlborough and Wantage, in the 
hope of joining Harrison's regiment, and eventually stopped at 
Burford. Here Cromwell fell upon them suddenly and over- 
came all resistance. Some of the men were executed, and the 
few who had escaped were pursued and caught, one of the most 
notorious, William Thompson, being shot on May 17. With 
this the rising of the Levellers came to an end. It is fully 
described in Gardiner's History of the Commonwealth, vol. i. 
pp. 47-61, from which these few facts are taken. 

12. 

From ' The Perfect Politician ' : . . . London, 1660. Bodleian, 
Wood 243 (3), pp. 56-8. 

Cromwell was not a good sailor, if we are to believe the 
writer of ' A letter from Windsor,' who, in speaking of his 
return to England, remarks, ' The General had an indifferent 



424 NOTES 

good passage from Ireland to Bristol, and was not so sea-sick, 
as when he first went over thither.' B. M., E. 602 (22). 

13. 

From 'A Message sent from the Lord Hopton, &c.' London, 
1650. B. M., E. 602 (26). 

Cromwell arrived in London on Friday, May 31, and was 
received by all the important officials. A similar ceremony 
took place on his return from Worcester, when the Lord Mayor 
congratulated him and received a short reply ; B. M., E. 641 
(14). Unfortunately both these speeches are missing, and this 
short description is only inserted in the hopes that it may lead 
to the recovery of a fuller report, and in order to remind 
readers of the general character and frequency of Cromwell's 
speech-making. 

14. 

From ' Memorials of the English Affairs.' London, 1682, 
pp. 445-6. 

1 By this time there could be no reasonable doubt that the 
Scots were preparing to invade England in the name of the 
King. That an army must be sent against them was beyond 
question. It was more doubtful who was to be named to the 
command. Distrust of Fairfax's hesitations conflicted with 
confidence in his honesty of purpose. Some proposed whilst 
Cromwell was still in Ireland, that Fairfax should be super- 
seded, and Cromwell, with the title of Protector or Constable, 
entrusted with the defence of the country. Others desired 
that Fairfax should be sent to suppress the Royalists in the 
West, whilst Cromwell marched against Scotland : whilst 
others again proposed that Fairfax and Cromwell should both 
go against Scotland in their old capacities of General and 
Lieutenant-General. All schemes which had been formed for 
depressing Fairfax and elevating Cromwell at his expense 
found a determined opponent in Cromwell himself, and for the 
present were abandoned even by their promoters. On June 12 
Parliament voted that both Fairfax and Cromwell should go 



NOTES 425 

on the Northern expedition. Both Fairfax and Cromwell 
accepted their respective commands, and on the 14th orders 
were given to draw up a new commission for Fairfax, in the 
name of the Commonwealth of England, in lieu of the one 
which had been granted him by the two Houses.' Gardiner's 
Hist, of the Commonivealth, vol. i.pp. 287-8. It seems, however, 
that about June 22, Fairfax informed the Council that he had 
scruples, and all attempts to arrange matters having failed, it 
was resolved to send a Committee to persuade him. This Com- 
mittee, consisting of Cromwell, St. John, Whitelocke, Lambert, 
and Harrison, met Fairfax on the 24th and failed. Fairfax 
resigned his Commission, and on June 26th Parliament voted 
Cromwell ' Captain-General and Commander-in-Chief of all 
the forces raised or to be raised within the Commonwealth of 
England.* 

15. 

From 'Flagellum.' London, 1665, p. 130. Bodleian, Wood 
243 (4). 

Probably spoken in January, at one of the meetings referred 
to in ' The Onely Right Rule for regulating the Lawes and 
Liberties of the People of England. Presented by way of 
Advise to his Excellency the L. Generall Cromwell, and the rest 
of the Officers of the Army, Jan. 28, 1652.' Bodleian, Pamph. 95. 
' Hearing of your especiall meetings in Councell in order to 
the setling of the Nation in Peace and Freedome, &c.' 

16. 

From Tanner MS. 52, fol. 13, Bodleian. 

Hyde writes to Lord Rochester, Paris, June 13, 1653 (Claren- 
don State Papers), ' Cromwell has replied to some citizens, who 
petitioned for a Parliament, that their proper business was to 
stick to their shops and sell their ware as dear as they could.' 

The ' Lord General ' is now Cromwell, Fairfax having resigned 
his Commission shortly after the date of Speech 14. 

For an account of the Petition presented on this occasion see 
Gardiner's History of the Commonivealth, vol. ii. pp. 229-30. 



426 NOTES 

The Long Parliament was dissolved by Cromwell on April 20, 
1653, and he then became 'temporary dictator.' A Council of 
State, thirteen in number, having been appointed, it was finally 
decided to summon a small Parliament of Puritan notabilities, 
to whom the power was to be entrusted under a written 
Constitution. The Council of State then issued letters to 
the Independent Ministers asking them to consult with their 
congregations and select persons. From these names one 
hundred and thirty-nine were chosen, and writs were issued in 
Cromwell's name. This Assembly of Nominees met on July 4, 
1653 ; for Cromwell's speech see No. 17. 



17. 

First part, down to the reading of the Instrument, from 
pamphlet : ' The Lord General Cromwel's Speech Delivered in 
the Council-Chamber, Upon the 4 of July, 1653. To the persons 
then assembled, and intrusted with the Supreme Authority of 
the Nation. This is a true Copie : Published for Information, 
and to prevent Mistakes. Printed in the yeer 1654.' Title- 
page, pp. 26, page of Errata, 4to. 

Second part, from ' Original Letters and Papers of State . . . 
of Mr. John Milton. By John Nickolls, Junr. London, 1743.' 
p. 114. Bodleian, fol. G. 632. This book also contains a 
slightly different version of the first part of the speech, 
pp. 106-14. 

Analysis of Speech. 

Doubtless the reason of this Summons is well known to you 
all ; I have an Instrument to impart to you, and also something 
to say for our own exoneration. 

It will not be amiss to mind you of past events, but I need 
not look much backward as you well remember them ; however, 
we will go so far back as the Self-denying Ordinance and the 
New Model. 

Pamphlets will give bare facts, but the secret of our 
success was the assistance of God and our owning a 
principle of godliness. 



NOTES 427 

I thought to have enlarged upon our successes, that we 
might recognize God's work and be encouraged ; these 
successes were great and God clearly assisted ; consider the 
events. 

But the mere facts are, as I have said, the leanest part ; 
the life and power of them lie in the manifest design of 
God. I would that I had time to enlarge on this. 

I shall now a little remember you the passages since Worces- 
ter fight ; since then we have dissolved Parliament of necessity, 
and I wish to say something by way of vindication, though we 
rake into the business unwillingly. 

165 1, Sept. 3 — 1652, Aug. 12. Having friends in Parlia- 
ment we expressed our views privately ; we expected them 
to act out of ingenuity, but they did not. 

Aug. 13, 1652. We petitioned ; they told us it was under 
consideration ; nothing done. 

Oct. 1652. Dissatisfaction; we demanded meetings, of 
which we had a dozen, pressing them to act of their own 
accords so as to preserve their reputation with the nation ; 
we did not prevail. 

Jan. 1653. Serious consideration on our part ; they took 
up the Act for a New Representative, not however with the 
intention of giving the people a choice, but of perpetuating 
themselves. 

This was intolerable, and anxious as we were to preserve 
their honour, we felt that we must act and not let every- 
thing fall to the ground. 
They had other faults also : — 

a. The spirit of intrigue was rife. 

b. They cared little for the spiritual welfare of Wales. 

c. They were quite incompetent to deal with the 

Reformation of the Law. 

d. And, as I said before, they desired to perpetuate 

themselves. 
April 19, 1653. We did not act hastily, but had a further 
conference with them, at which after much discussion they 
said, they would suspend further proceedings in their Bill. 



428 NOTES 

April 20, 1653. They endeavoured to carry their Bill 
in great haste, without qualifications ; the Parliament was 
dissolved. 

It remains for me to put the power into your hands, and to 
offer to you something as to the discharge of that trust. 

I shall remember to you that Scripture, Yet Judah ruleth with 
God and is faithful among the Saints. 

Judah ruleth with God. 

a. So you rule. 

b. Therefore be just, ruling in the fear of God. 

c. And asking his wisdom, that you may be truthful and 

merciful. 

d. So shall you do good, not only to those of your own 

faith, but to all. 
Judah is faithful among the Saints. 

a. I think this Assembly is ; but yet be tolerant and pitiful. 

b. And care for the Ministry. 

Indeed I have but one more word to say, Go on in this work. 

a. Go on with this work; by your coming hither you 

own it to be God's work. 

b. You are like the people of God, answering his 

summons. 

c. Let your behaviour be such then, that the people of 

England will readily support you. 

d. For great things may happen, something is at the door. 

e. You have been called because of your godliness ; that 

is why we hand the power to you. 
/. We think of various Prophecies and wonder what will 
be the outcome of this. 

Truly, I am sorry I have troubled you so long ; we shall be 
ready to serve you, having received great support from all parts 
of the nation in this action ; I shall trouble you no more ; but 
if you will be pleased to have this Instrument read, we shall 
leave you to your own thoughts and the guidance of God. 

A true list of the Little Parliament, by some called Bare- 
bones Parliament or the Convention Parliament, is to be found 



NOTES 429 

in Bawlinson MS., A. 78, f. 223. For another printed list, in 
which the Members are marked by Party, see Gardiner's History 
of the Commomvealih, vol. ii. p. 259. 

P. 86. The Letter of Summons is given in the Commons' 
Jowmals, vol. vii. p. 281, with the following short notice of the 
proceedings: 'Monday, the 4th of July, 1653. . . . This day 
there was a great Appearance of those persons to whom the 
Letters were directed, in the Council-Chamber at Whitehall : 
Where the Lord-General Cromwell declared unto them the 
Grounds and end of calling them ; and delivered unto them an 
Instrument, in Writing, under his Hand and Seal; and after- 
wards left them.' The Letter is also to be found in Thurloe's 
State Papers, Whitelock's Memorials, and pamphlets, the only 
differences being in the names, places, and dates. 

P. 90, note. The pamphlet, from which this speech has been 
copied, contains a page of Errata, with the following notice : 
' Reader, Thou art desired to correct the following Errata, which 
through some neglect have escaped the Press.' These cor- 
rections have been inserted. 

P. 93. This Petition was presented on August 13, 1652, by 
order of the Council of War at Whitehall on August 12, under 
the following heading : — • To the Supreme Authority the Par- 
liament of the Common-Wealth of England. The humble 
Petition of the Officers of the Army.' The Bodleian copy is 
referenced, Wood 276% f. 192. It consists of twelve heads 
I. Gospel propagation ; appointment, outing, and maintenance 
of Ministers. 2. Regulation of the law. 3. Removal of pro- 
phane, scandalous, and disaffected persons in all places of 
authority and public trust. 4. Redress of the abuses of the 
Excise. 5. Just and competent satisfaction for those who have 
suffered for their constant good affection to the public. 
6. Arrears of Officers and Soldiers. 7. ' That all the Articles of 
War given to the enemy, may be made good, according to the 
intent of them.' 8. The bringing of the whole revenue into 
one Public Treasury, with proper management. 9. The ap- 
pointment, by Parliament, of a Committee of honest men to 
consider Monopolies, Pluralities, &c. 10. Suppressing of vaga- 
bonds and beggars. II. Provision for such poor men as have 



430 NOTES 

served the Parliament in the late wars, since July 12, 1642. 
12. 'That- for public satisfaction of the good people of this 
nation, speedy consideration may be had of such Qualifications 
for future and successive Parliaments, as tend to the election 
only of such as are pious and faithful to the interest of the 
Commonwealth, to sit and serve as Members in the said 
Parliament.' 

The answer of Parliament is printed below : — ' The Pe- 
titioners being called in, the Parliament read their Petition ; 
and ordered the Speaker to return their hearty thanks to 
the Officers of the Army, for their great care and love to the 
public' 

P. 94. In the pamphlet this sentence reads, ' but finding 
plainly, that the intendment of it was not to give the people 
that Right of Choise, althought it had been, but aseding right 
either the seeming, to give the people that Choice intended 
and designed, to recrute the House, the better to perpetuat 
themselves.' 

Milton State Papers, p. 108. ' But plainly the intention was 
not to give the people right of choice, it would have been but 
a seeming right ; the giving them a choice was only to recruit 
the House the better to perpetuate themselves.' 

Tanner MS. 52 (13) reads 'not to have given the people free 
choice with fitting qualifications.' 

The sentence, as it stands in the pamphlet, can be corrected 
in many ways ; we might read ' although it had been but 
acceding right.' 

P. 97. ' But when it came to other trials, [as] in that case of 
Wales, which I must confess for my oivn part I set myself upon, 
if I should inform [you] what discountenance that business of the 
poor people of God there had, who had ivatchings over them, men 
like so many wolves, <^c.' The Act for the propagation of the 
Gospel in Wales had been passed by Parliament on Feb. 22, 
164^. From that time forward it had been executed in such 
a manner as almost to deserve the name of persecution. The 
project was very dear to the godly military party, but was 
pursued by Parliament, — whether intentionally or not, it is 
hard to say,— in such a manner as to completely shatter the 



NOTES 431 

Independent influence in those districts. The disgust of Crom- 
well and others at these proceedings, supposed by some to be 
theirs, was undoubtedly one of the main reasons which prompted 
the dissolution of the Long Parliament. 

On March 16, 165^, an important petition * had been sent to 
the House, from the ' six Counties of South-Wales.' This refers 
to the Act of Feb. 22, 164^, 'which filled the hearts of your 
Petitioners and all the Inhabitants of Wales with joy and glad- 
ness,' but proceeds to shew ' that since the passing of the said 
Act, all or most of the Ministers, &c. have been and stand 
ejected from their Benefices.' The Petition complains that no 
' godly schools for the education of the children have been pro- 
vided,' and that there are but ' four or five itinerary preachers 
in some of the said Counties appointed.' ' That some persons 
deriving Authority from the said Act, have for these two years 
last past, received and disposed of all the profits of the Tythes 
of Church-livings, and all other Benefices and Impropriations 
Sequestered within the said six Counties of South-Wales, and 
County of Monmouth, which are annually worth twenty thou- 
sand pounds or thereabouts, out of which, little hath been con- 
verted towards the propagation of the Gospel, or accompted for 
to the State.' 

The proceedings that followed are too lengthy to be here 
described, but the delay and methods of inquiry resorted to by 
the House did little to improve the situation. 

The reference to 'watchings over them, men like so many 
wolves,' may of course only mean the ' Sequestrators,' but it 
doubtless refers to the scandalous system of Informers and De- 
ponents, who were encouraged by ' good bargains of the Tythes.' 
Mercurius Cambro-Britannicus a has much to say on the per- 
ambulation of the Counties by 'Itinerant Tobacco-mongers, 
and others of like quality' to make 'feigned discoveries of the 
pretended obliquities of the Ministers.' 

P. 99. The Declaration is styled, 'A Declaration of the 
Lord General and his Councell of Officers; Shewing the 

1 Bodleian, G. Pamph. 1043 (16). 

2 Bodleian, Wood 476 (16). 



432 NOTES 

Grounds and Reasons for the Dissolution of the late Parlia- 
ment.' London, 1653, 4to. The Bodleian copy is referenced, 
Godwin, Pamph. 1371 (25). 'And after much debate it was 
judged necessary and agreed upon, that the Supreme Au- 
thority should be by the Parliament devolved upon known 
persons, men fearing God, and of approved integrity, and the 
Government of the Commonwealth committed unto them for 
a time, as the most hopeful way to encourage and counten- 
ance all God's people, reform the Law, and administer Justice 
impartially: hoping thereby the people might forget Mon- 
archy, and understanding their true interest in the Election 
of Successive Parliaments, may have the Government settled 
upon a true basis, without hazard to this glorious cause, or 
necessitating to keep up Armies for the defence of the same. 
And being still resolved to use all means possible to avoid 
extraordinary courses, we prevailed with about twenty Members 
of Parliament to give us a Conference, with whom we freely 
and plainly debated the necessity and justness of our proposals 
on that behalf : And did evidence that those, and not the Act 
under their consideration, would most probably bring forth 
something answerable to that work, the foundation whereof 
God himself hath laid, and is now carrying on in the world. 
The which notwithstanding, found no acceptance, but instead 
thereof, it was offered, that the way was to continue still this 
present Parliament, as being that from which we might reason- 
ably expect all good things.' 

The Declaration is dated 'Whitehall, April 22, 1653,' and 
follows this speech closely in arrangement and phrasing. 

P. 104. Clarke MS. 2$, fol. 12, gives the following account: 
' His Excellency and several officers of the Army treating on 
the Tuesday before with many of the best members of Parlia- 
ment about putting the Government of the Nation into some 
honest and able persons till a New Representative should be 
chosen,— for that the Bill resolved to be carried on by Parlia- 
ment was not for dissolving this Parliament but recruiting it 
with such as probably would be disaffected, neuters, lawyers, 
or the like, which would destroy the public interest of the 
nation,— the Members promised to consider and give in their 



NOTES 433 

judgement thereof the next day, and in the interim would 
endeavour to keep the Bill from passing, but this being told 
to most of the Members, the House (in the General's absence) 
called the next morning for the Bill, and before his Excellency 
could come had near passed it, contrary to promise as was told 
them ; whereupon, after something said by the General, Capt. 
Scott marched into the House with part of his company and 
took the Speaker's Mace, and himself refusing to come out of 
the Chair, was (modestly) pulled out by a Member of Par- 
liament and Army. And so the Members walked out, and 
the Parliament was dissolved with as little noise as can be 
imagined. . . . The people are very calm and pleasant, expect- 
ing great and good things to be speedily done for this nation.' 

P. 107, 1. 15 ; Milton State Papers. 'Truly my thoughts run 
thus upon this place, that to the execution of judgement, the 
judgement of truth ; for that's the judgement, you must have 
wisdom from above, and that's pure. That will teach you to 
execute the judgement of truth, it's without partiality. Purity, 
impartiality, and sincerity, they are the effects of wisdom, and 
these will help you to execute the judgement of truth, and 
then if God give you hearts . . . ' 

P. 108, 1. 7 ; Milton State Papers. ' Moses he could die for 
them, with himself blotted out of God's book, and Paul could 
wish himself accursed for his countrymen after the flesh, so full 
of affection were their spirits unto all.' 

P. 117; Tanner MS. 52, fol. 23. Notes of this speech end 
thus, 'You may please to have this Surrender read and we shall 
leave you to the dispose of yourselves ; which being read, he 
declared that the affairs of England, and Scotland, and Ireland, 
provisions for the same &c. required there should be no inter- 
ruption, and forseeing it would require time to digest your- 
selves into a method, the Council of State is continued until 
you take further order, and so the affairs of the nation will go 
on until you be settled. Then was read the power of the 
Council of State, and his Excellency left the room. And the 
new Representative did only adjourn and appoint the next 
day to begin with prayer and to spend the whole day amongst 
themselves.' 

Ff 



434 NOTES 

P. 117. The general character of this Instrument is de- 
scribed on p. 5 of 'A Copy of the Letter, &c, Lond. 1656' ; 
' Which being ended, his Lordship produced an Instrument 
under his own hand and seal, whereby he did with the advice 
of his Officer, devolve and entrust the Supreme Authority and 
Government of this Commonwealth into the hands of the per- 
sons then met, who or any forty of them are to be held and 
acknowledged the Supreme Authority of the Nation, unto 
whom all persons within the same, and the territories there- 
unto belonging, are to yield obedience and subjection. And 
they are not to sit longer than the 3 day of November, 1654. 
Three months before their dissolution they are to make choice 
of other persons to succeed them, who are not to sit longer 
than a twelvemonth; but it is left to them to take care for 
a succession in Government : which Instrument being delivered 
to the persons aforesaid, his Lordship commended them to the 
Grace of God.' Bodleian, 55 d. 68. 

P. 117; 'A Council of State.' A Declaration as to the new 
Council of State, signed by 0. Cromwell, was published the last 
day of April, 1653. The Bodleian copy is referenced, 22857 d. 2. 
It states that ' some convenient time being required for the 
assembling' of the new Parliament, 'it hath been found neces- 
sary, for preventing the mischiefs and inconveniences which 
may arise in the meanwhile to the public affairs, that a Council 
of State be constituted, to take care of, and intend the peace, 
safety, and present management of the affairs of this Common- 
wealth ; which being settled accordingly, the same is hereby 
declared and published, to the end all persons may take notice 
thereof, &c.' The old Council had been dismissed on the dis- 
solution of the Long Parliament. For an account of this new 
Council see Gardiner's History of the Commonivealth, vol. ii. 
p. 221. 

The dissolution of this Parliament was brought about by the 
majority of Members, with the Speaker, resigning their powers. 
This curious proceeding is thus described in the Commons' 
Journals, vol. vii. p. 363: — 'Monday, the 12th of December. 
1653. It being moved in the House this day, That the Sitting 
of this Parliament any longer, as now constituted, will not be 



NOTES 435 

for the good of the Commonwealth ; and that therefore it was 
requisite to deliver up unto the Lord General Cromwell the 
Powers which they received from him ; and that Motion being 
seconded by several other Members, the House rose ; And the 
Speaker, with many of the Members of the House departed out 
of the House to Whitehall ; where they, being the greater num- 
ber of the Members sitting in Parliament, did, by a writing under 
their hands, resign unto his Excellency their said Powers : And 
Mr. Speaker, attended with the Members, did present the same to 
his Excellency, accordingly.' Mr. Gardiner, in his History of the 
Commonwealth, relates the proceedings at some length: — 'Ac- 
cordingly on the morning of Monday, the 12th, those who were 
in the secret flocked early to the House to secure a majority, 
whilst their opponents, in ignorance of the course intended to be 
taken, made no haste to appear in force.' ' There was,' he says, 
' a danger as the minutes passed on, lest the Motion should be 
lost when the House was fuller. There is little doubt that the 
Speaker had been instructed what to do on the approach of 
such a contingency. Instead of putting the question in due 
form, he rose hastily from the Chair, and, followed by some 
forty members, made his way to Whitehall.' We have, how- 
ever, Cromwell's own statement, on p. 154, that the parchment 
was ' signed by very much the major part of them,' and in 
Clarke MS. 25, fol. 151b, there is 'A Relation of the dissolu- 
tion of the late Parliament, with the manner and circum- 
stances thereof, &c.,' which should be carefully read. It says 
nothing about the ' flocking early/ but merely ' On Monday 
morning they coming together, the first party of whom was, &c.,' 
and it confirms the Journals, and Cromwell, as to the majority 
of Members. 'Those of the House being about 80 in number 
drew up [an] instrument, and subscribing their names delivered 
it into my Lord General's hands, where they left all their power. 
The smaller part being about 27 remained in the House where 
Col. Gough presently came &c.' It adds, however, that ' several 
of these 27 ' were of the 80 that resigned up their power. From 
this it appears that nearly one hundred Members were in the 
House. The Journals record divisions, at which the attend- 
ance varies from 70 to 1 1 1, so that taking the average ' working ' 
F f 2 



436 NOTES 

numbers, and noting the usually small majorities, we can only 
conclude, that the attendance on this occasion was large, and 
the majority quite decisive. As no Members voted on the 
previous Saturday, ' some forty ' would hardly answer to the 
Journals' statement 'being the greater part of the Members 
sitting in Parliament.' 

The ' resignation ' appears to have been adopted with a 
distinct object in view, for 'presently after this several of the 
eighty Members and Officers of the Army met together in 
serious debate, and concluded there should be a person who 
should be under the title of Lord Protector, &c.' This is 
confirmed in ' A True Narrative of the Cause and Manner of 
the Dissolution of the late Parliament, upon the 12 of December, 
1653. By a Member of the House then present at that Trans- 
action,' where the writer speaks of ' the whole business being 
before contrived.' This, however, is the undoubted right of any 
' majority,' and the indignation of those left behind in the 
House seems to have been due, not to the feeling that they had 
been tricked, but to their knowledge of what was about to be 
done as to the future constitution of the government, and 
the unceremonious manner in which they were turned out of the 
House. The result of this ' serious debate ' was the Instrument 
of Government, by which Cromwell became Lord Protector. 
The first Protectorate Parliament met on Sept. 3, 1654, and was 
addressed by Cromwell on the following day. See Speech 24. 

18. 

From 'A Journal of the Swedish Ambassy, in the years 1653 
and 1654. Impartially written by the Ambassador.' MS. Mus. 
Brit. 4902, pp. 16-18. 

Published by Dr. Charles Morton. A new edition, revised by 
Henry Reeve, Esq., in two volumes, 1855. London. 

19. 

From ' A Copy of the Letter from his Excellency, &c. With 
the several transactions since that time.' Lond. 1656, p. 19. 
Bodleian, 55 d. 68. 



NOTES 437 

The names of the thirteen Members of the Council of State 
are printed on the next page. 



20. 

From ' Clarendon State Papers,' Bodleian, under the date 
mentioned. 

This speech by the Lord Protector was in answer to an 
address from Protestant Ministers ' consisting partly of French 
and partly of Walloones living in and about London ... to 
testify unto your Highness our wishes and prayers to Almighty 
God, that this great power to which he hath brought your High- 
ness may tend to the glory of his great name, the good of the 
three nations, and of God's Churches in the midst of them, and 
the comfort of your Highness own soul. The eyes not only of 
the three nations, but in a manner of the whole world are, and 
will be upon your Highness. . . . And herein we cannot but 
observe the wonderful providence of God, who on the one side 
hath delivered these nations from the danger of Popery and 
Superstition, whereunto they seemed headlong to be driven. 
. . . We for our parts cannot forget those encouragements 
which we have had from your Highness own mouth to go on 
cheerfully in the exercise of the true Protestant religion, which 
we profess. We cannot forget those encouragements, nor also 
your Highness benevolency and beneficence to our Church. 
We bless God for them . . . through God's grace we doubt not 
of the continuance of them under the shelter of your Highness 
protection. And though this be our confidence, yet we think it 
is our part to crave this your Highness protection.' Clarendon 
MS., January 5, i65f. 



21. 

From ' Clarendon State Papers,' March 5, 1654, Bodleian. 

This interesting little fragment is to be found in the letter 
dated ' Hage, 5. March 1654,' which notes the departure of 
Niewport and Youngstall to England for the conclusion of the 



438 NOTES 

Treaty, and says that a clerk of Beverning has arrived with 
letters from his master, dated Feb. ff, who writes 'that he had 
according the order of the States General of the 19th desired 
audience of the Lord Protector, which having obtained, he 
had, in the name of the States, made the compliment of con- 
gratulation, which was taken in very good part by Cromwell, 
who received him with great civility, the whole Council of State 
being present, all of them being bare-headed, and caused set 
a chair for him of the same form which he meant to sit in 
himself, but neither of these was used, Cromwell forbearing to 
sit, because Beverning did. He writes also that he thought fit 
to make use of that occasion to touch a little by the way upon 
the main business, though he did not pretend to enter upon any 
particulars, until the other ambassadors should come. To 
which Cromwell also answered in general terms expressing 
great affection, &c.' Beverning's letter to the States General is 
printed in Thurloe's State Papers, vol. ii. p. 93. ' I thought fit 
because of the good opportunity, besides the compliment of 
congratulation, to mention something by-the-by of our chief 
affairs ; whereupon I received nothing but a dilatory answer, 
since my proposition was only relative to the arrival of my 
confraters. But as to my congratulation, his Highness answered 
me with many expressions of affection and esteem towards 
your high mightinesses.' In B. M. MS. Adds. 32,093, fol. 324, is 
a copy of a letter from Thurloe, dated Feb. 16, beginning ' Our 
Dutch peace sticks yet,' and referring to Beverning s arrival 
in England ' without any powers or so much as credentials 
to the Protector, and that therefore he was refused audience.' 
This defect was soon supplied at his urgent request, and the 
audience, noted above, granted. 
For the Dutch Treaty of Peace see Notes to Speech 24. 



22. 

From 'Severall Proceedings of State Affaires, &c. From 
Thursday the 20 of Aprill to Thursday the 27 day of Aprill, 
1654,' No. 239, p. 3793. Brit. Mus. Burney, 46. 

Reprinted in Cromwelliana, 1810, pp. 139-40- 



NOTES 439 

'A Declaration and Petition from the Corporation of Guild- 
ford, was (on Tuesday last, Apr. 18, in the afternoon) brought 
by the Mayor and four of the Aldermen, the Steward and the 
Bayliff of that town to Whitehall, where they shewed it to one 
of the Lord Protector's gentlemen, and intreated his assis- 
tance to bring them where they might present it to his 
Highness ; which gentleman courteously brought them to the 
gallery where the chair is fixed, and desired them to have 
a little patience, till his Highness was risen from the Council, 
and they should then have admittance to him. They observed 
his direction, and after some time of necessary waiting, they 
were called into the next chamber, &c. Mr. Mayor, and his 
company (about 10 steps distance from the Lord Protector) 
made a stand, and his Highness minding of them, left speaking 
to some other gentlemen, and came towards them, and the 
Steward in an humble manner, by direction from Mr. Mayor, 
presented the Declaration and Petition, saying, &c. His High- 
ness took it, went to the window and needfully read it over, 
being as followeth, &c. 

' After the Lord Protector had read this petition, his High- 
ness was pleased to give this answer, standing uncovered, which 
may be truly termed gracious.' The Petition proceeds '. . . 
we do believe out of constraint, rather than desire, you did 
take upon your shoulders that great and ponderous burden of 
the Government, &c. And we clearly see to our great content- 
ment, by your countenancing of a godly and learned Ministry, 
and making of honest and learned Judges in the land, you are 
resolved to uphold religion and justice, &c. We find no cause 
to doubt but that you will vouchsafe to this ancient Corpora- 
tion, &c, the injoyment of those privileges which they have 
a long time had, &c. Lastly, we do presume to make known, 
that our Minister of Trinity and Maries parishes is veiy lately 
dead, and that that living is in your gift ; and therefore we 
humbly pray your Highness to signify your pleasure to the 
Lords Commissioners of your Great Seal, or to such persons as 
are intrusted for that affair, that they may for this turn grant 
it to such a one as we shall certify to them to be as godly and 
learned Minister, and to no other man.' 



440 NOTES 

23. 

From ' A Journal of the Swedish Ambassy . . .' MS. Mus. Brit. 
4902, p. 444. 

Whitelocke gives the following account : ' Being come to the 
outward room, he was presently brought into the Council- 
Chamber, where the Protector sat in his great chair at the upper 
end of the table, covered, and his Council sat bare on each side 
of the table. After ceremonies performed by Whitelocke, and 
great respect shewed him by the Protector and his Council, 
Whitelocke spoke to this effect—.' A long speech then follows, 
which has been printed in his Memorials, p. 575, and the writer 
continues, ' When Whitelocke had ended his speech and a little 
pause made, the Protector, pulling off his hat and presently 
putting it on again, desired Whitelocke to withdraw, which he 
did, and within a quarter of an hour was called in again. The 
Protector, using the same ceremony as before, spake to him to 
this effect — .' MS. Mus. Brit. 4902, pp. 440 and 444. 

P. 125. Whitelocke thus described this extraordinary mercy 
in his speech to the Protector. ' I embarked in your Highness' 
frigate, near Gluckstadt, but was detained for some days in the 
Elbe by cross winds, and in some danger, but in more when we 
came into the open sea. But above all, the Lord was pleased 
to appear for us on the 28th day of June, when our ship stuck 
upon the sands, above twelve leagues off from the coast of 
Yarmouth : and when there was no means or help of men for 
our escape, but we expected every moment to be drowned by 
the waves, then it pleased God to shew his power and free 
mercy by his own hand to deliver us, and, after two hours' 
expectation of death, to reprieve us, to set our ship on float 
again, and to bring us all in health and safety to your High- 
ness's presence, and to our dear country and relations.' White- 
locke's speech to the Protector. MS. Mus. Brit. 4902, p. 443. 

Whitelocke's retinue were also asked ' to go in to the Pro- 
tector and Council, which they did ; and the Protector spake 
to them with great courtesy and favour, bidding them welcome 
home, blessing God for their safe return to their friends and 
native country, and for the great deliverances which He had 



NOTES 441 

wrought for them. He commended their care of Whitelocke 
and their good deportment, by which they had testified much 
courage and civility, and had done honour to religion and to 
their country ; he gave them thanks for it, and assurance of his 
affection to them when any occasion should be offered for 
their good or preferment. They withdrew, full of hopes every 
one of them to be made great men ; but few of them attained 
any favour, though Whitelocke solicited for divers of them who 
were very worthy of it.' MS. Mus. Brit. 4902, p. 445. 

For the character of the Treaty concluded see Notes to 
Speech 24. 

24. 

From ' His Highnesse the Lord Protector's Speeches to the 
Parliament in the Painted Chamber, The one on Munday 
the 4th of September; The other on Tuesday the 12. of Sep- 
tember. 1654. Taken by one who stood very near him, 
and Published to prevent mistakes. London, Printed by T. R. 
and E. M. for G. Sawbridge at the Bible on Ludgate-hill. 1654.' 

The substance of this speech is also to be found in 'The 
Speech of his Highnesse the Lord Protector to the Parliament 
in the Painted Chamber at Westminster, on Munday last, being 
the fourth of this instant September, 1654. Examined by the 
Original Copy ; Published by Order and Authority. London, 
Printed for G. Freeman, 1654.' Bodleian, G. Pamph. 1363 (3). 
A short account of the ceremony used on this occasion precedes 
the speech. We are told that ' his Highness the Lord Protector 
rode in his coach to the Abbey in a very stately equipage' and 
that 'his Highness was seated over against the pulpit. After 
the sermon was done (which was preached by Mr. Th. Goodwin) 
his Highness went on foot, in the same equipage, to the Painted 
Chamber, there being a very rich chair wrought and trimmed 
with gold upon a place up two steps, like a throne, with a table 
before it, and seats for the Members, and his Highness standing 
up with his head bare, delivered his mind very excellently at 
large to the Parliament.' A few passages deserve to be noticed. 

P. 128. After 'Truly another reason' compare 'Because the re- 
capitulation of his providences had been largely and wisely held 



442 NOTES 

forth in the Sermon that day, in an allusion to the state of, and 
dispensations toward the Israelites (the only parallel of God's 
dealing with us. that he knew in the world), in bringing them 
out of Egypt through a wilderness, towards their place of rest.' 

P. 130. After ' A nobleman, a gentleman, a yeoman,' compare 
' it being a good interest of the nation and a great one ? Every 
man's hand was upon his loins, and said, We see nothing that 
bears sway or rule.' 

P. 132. After ' he that runs may read it to be amongst us ' com- 
pare ' And he wished that it were not to be read or seen, and that 
the grace of God might not be turned into wantonness, &c.' 

P. 133. 'Such considerations and pretensions of liberty'; 
compare 'And such pretensions he said there were of liberty 
of the subject and of conscience &c. That both these were 
brought in to patronize such evils.' 

P. 135. 'Besides, certainly though many of these men have 
good meanings ' ; compare ' Many of these he conceived in his 
very soul had good meanings, and he hoped this Parliament 
would (as Jude says, reckoning up the abominable apostacies of 
the past times) pluck some out of the fire, and save others with 
fear, making those of peaceable spirits, the subject of their 
encouragement, and saving others by that discipline God hath 
ordained to reform miscarriages.' 

At the end we read, ' And having spoken about an hour and 
a half, his Highness drew to a conclusion, presenting them with 
this observation, that the things before mentioned are but 
entrances and doors of hope, &c.' ' After which his Highness 
retired into the place formerly called the House of Lords, and 
so took barge, and went down to Whitehall by water.' 

This speech was translated into Dutch : — ' De particularitey ten 
van de Oratie van de Heere Protector van de Republijcke van 
Engelandt, Schotlandt ende Yerlandt, gedaen voor het Parlia- 
ment van Engelandt, &c. den 13. September, Anno 1654. Uyt 
het Engelsch overgheset door A. V. Ins' Graven Hage, by 
Adriaen Vlack, 1654.' Bodleian, Godwin Pamph. 1356 (32). 

In Speeches 24, 25, and 27, attention should be given to the 
meaning of the word 'government.' It is used in three dif- 
ferent senses: — 



NOTES 443 

i. The Instrument or Act of Government with all its 
articles. 

2. The Government de facto, in England. 

3. Government in general. 

The ordinary distinction between 'government' and 'the 
Government' is thus useless, and an attempt has been made in 
the old pamphlets to denote the various meanings by capital 
letters or italics. The result being unsatisfactory, tending 
to confuse the reader, in this edition the word has been 
spelt throughout with a small ' g.' Little difficulty will be 
found in distinguishing the meaning, but in a few cases to 
make the meaning quite clear it is written out in full :— the 
[Act ofj Government. The same difficulty arises in the later 
speeches, when the 'government' also refers to the humble 
Petition and Advice. 

1 On the 3rd Day of September 1654, being the Day whereon 
the Parliament was, by Writ, summoned to meet, the same 
being the Lord's Day; divers Members met at the Abbey 
Church in Westminster, at the Sermons there : And, after the 
Sermon in the Afternoon, about Four of the Clock, they came 
from thence to the Parliament-House, to the Number of about 
Three hundred : And, after a while, a Message was brought. 
That his Highness the Lord Protector was come to the Painted 
Chamber, and desired the Presence of the Members: Who 
thereupon went from the House to the Painted Chamber: 
Whither being come, his Highness, standing bare, upon a Place 
erected for that Purpose, declared to this Effect: That this 
being the Lord's Day, which was not to be taken up in Cere- 
monies, his Highness desired them to meet at the Abbey 
To-morrow at Nine of the Clock, at the Sermon ; and from 
thence to come again unto the Painted Chamber, where he 
would communicate unto them some things, which he held 
necessary for the good of the Commonwealth. 

And so the Members departing, came again to the House : 
And adjourned till To-morrow, Eight of the Clock ; Mr. Gewen 
standing in his Place, and, by general Consent, the House 
pronouncing the Adjournment. 

Monday, the 4th of September, 1654. The House met 



444 NOTES 

together at Eight of the Clock ; and went from thence to the 
Abbey: Where his Highness the Lord Protector came, attended 
with the Lords Commissioners of the Great Seal, the Com- 
missioners of the Treasury, and divers of the Council, being 
also Members of the Parliament ; and there heard a Sermon 
preached by Mr. Thomas Goodwyn : And from thence came 
into the Painted Chamber: Where his Highness made unto 
them a large Narration of the Grounds of their being called 
together, and the Weightiness of their Employment : And then 
desired them to repair to their House, and exercise their own 
Liberty in choosing their Speaker, that they might lose no 
Time from their great Business.' — Commons' Journals, vol. vii. 
p. 365. 

The Parliament called together on this occasion is known as 
the First Protectorate Parliament. It was not a success, spend- 
ing much time in debating 'by what authority they came 
thither, and whether that which had convened them had a 
lawful power to that purpose.' On September 12 his Highness 
expostulated with them, and a large number of Members 
refusing to sign a Recognition of the Government, they were 
excluded from the House. As this did not improve matters, 
his Highness dissolved the House on Jan. 22, 1655, and forth- 
with proceeded with measures necessary to secure the peace of 
the kingdom. 

P. 141. Referring to Whitelocke, who has left an account of 
his mission, under the title of 'A Journal of the Swedish 
Ambassy.' In the printed edition, 1855, vol. ii. p. 168, will be 
found the full text of the treaty, which is dated April 11, 1654. 
Its main object is to secure ' a good, sincere, firm peace and 
correspondence between the Queen and the Kingdom of Sweden 
and the Lord Protector, &c.' ; and the ' aforesaid shall, as much 
as in them lie, endeavour to take care, with all candour and 
affection, to remove all the hindrances which hitherto have 
interrupted the liberty of navigation and commerce between 
both the nations.' 

P. 142. Early in 165 1 Frederick III of Denmark had shewn 
marked favour to our Dutch trade rivals, by allowing them to 
commute the Sound dues, a concession which was to be with- 



NOTES 445 

held from other nations, and which caused much ill-feeling in 
England. Of the war which broke out in the following year, 
Mr. David Hannay writes that it ' is indeed hardly worth men- 
tioning, except on the ground that it illustrates a chronic 
difficulty of the English Government in all naval wars. We 
drew a great part of our stores from the Baltic. Pitch and tar, 
hemp for cordage, and pine wood for spars and planking, as 
well as part of the oak used in our ships, were supplied by 
Scandinavia and Russia. At a later period the American plan- 
tations entered into competition with the Baltic trade, but in 
the middle of the seventeenth century these indispensable 
articles were obtained only in the North of Europe. If they 
were cut off by the hostility of the Northern Powers, the task of 
fitting a fleet for sea was rendered almost impossible. The 
sense that they had it in their power to inflict so heavy a blow 
upon us, rendered the kingdoms of the North occasionally 
somewhat exacting.' A Short History of the Royal Navy, p. 265. 

The detention of an English supply convoy in the Sound by 
the Danes gave rise to hostilities, a squadron being sent to 
release them. This squadron was scattered by a gale and 
returned ; negotiations followed, and Denmark was finally 
included in our treaty of peace with Holland. The question 
of dues was settled by a treaty between the Protector and 
Frederick III, in which it was stipulated that English vessels 
should pay no dues higher than those charged on other nations, 
except the Swedes who were exempted from payment. Gar- 
diner's History of the Commonivealth, vol. ii. pp. 380-1. 

P. 142. The Dutch war began in May, 1652. The treaty of 
peace was finally ratified on April 19, 1654, and proclaimed 
amidst great enthusiasm on April 26. It is impossible here to 
discuss the cause of this war, sufficient to say that keen trade 
rivalry, resulting in the passing of our Navigation Act ; jealousy 
of the Dutch privileges in the Sound ; disputes as to fisheries ; 
the question of ' striking the flag'; memories of Amboyna; 
political anxiety as to the position of the Prince of Orange and 
the Stuarts in Holland ; these difficulties, and many others, 
made war inevitable. The treaty is described by Professor 
Gardiner, vol. ii. p. 370. 'A conjunction for the defence of the 



446 NOTES 

liberties of either people was announced ; and a stipulation 
that either State should lend aid when required by the other at 
the expense of the party making the demand, and should expel 
from its borders the enemies or rebels of the other.' Arbitra- 
tion for our losses in the East Indies and the Sound was agreed 
to, and also for Dutch losses. An Exclusion Act against the 
House of Orange was passed by the States General. 

P. 143. This treaty gave 'to English merchants the right of 
commercial intercourse with Portugal, coupled with the assur- 
ance that they would never be called on to pay duties higher than 
those which had been authorized on March iothin the current 
year. It also freed them from the interference of the Inquisi- 
tion in their ships and houses, and opened to them the trade 
of all the Portuguese territories beyond the sea : — Brazil, from 
which the last Dutch garrisons were in this year cleared away, 
St. Thomas in the West Indies, Guinea in Africa, and the 
dwindling remains of Portuguese sovereignty in the East Indies 
were specifically mentioned. The two points of religion and 
trade were precisely those which Oliver had attempted in vain 
to secure from Spain.' Gardiner's History of the Common ivealth, 
vol. ii. p. 387. 

25. 

From ' His Highnesse the Lord Protector's Speech to the 
Parliament in the Painted Chamber, on Tuesday the 12th of 
September, 1654. Taken by one who stood very near him, and 
Published to prevent mistakes. London, Printed by T. R. and 
E. M. for G. Sawbridge at the Bible on Ludgate-hill, 1654.' 

This speech was translated into Dutch: — ' Tweede Oratie 
van de Heere Protector van het Parliament van Engelandt, 
Schotlandt, ende Yerlandt. Gedaen inde geschilderde Camer 
den 22. September, 1654, &c.' Bodleian, Godw. Pamph. 1356 (33). 

P. 150. The General Council of the Army debated concerning 
the setting a period to Parliament on January 6, i64f. A very 
short account of this meeting gives us the substance of Crom- 
well's views at that time. ' Lieut.-General. That it will be 
more honourable and convenient for them to put a period to 
themselves.' Wore. Coll. MS. 67, fol. 134. 



NOTES 447 

P. 160. The Instrument of Government, XII. 'That at the 
day and place of elections, the Sheriff of each county, and 
the said Mayors, Sheriffs, Bailiffs, and other head officers 
within their cities, towns, boroughs, and places respectively, 
shall take view of the said elections, and shall make return 
into the Chancery within twenty days after the said elections, 
of the persons elected by the greater number of electors, 
under their hands and seals, between him on the one pa.rt, and 
the electors on the other part; wherein shall be contained, 
that the persons elected shall not have power to alter the government 
as it is hereby settled in one single person and a Parliament.'' 
Gardiner's Constitutional Documents, p. 318. 

P. 61. The Instrument of Government, I. 'That the supreme 
legislative authority of the Commonwealth of England, Scot- 
land, and Ireland, and the dominions belonging, shall be and 
reside in one person, and the people assembled in Parliament; 
the style of which person shall be the Lord Protector of the 
Commonwealth of England, Scotland, and Ireland.' Const. Doc. 

P. 314- 

P. 165. The Instrument of Government, IV. ' That the Lord 
Protector, the Parliament sitting, shall dispose and order the 
militia and forces, both by sea and land, for the peace and 
good of the three nations, by consent of Parliament ; and that 
the Lord Protector, with the advice and consent of the major 
part of the Council, shall dispose and order the militia for 
the ends aforesaid in the intervals of Parliament.' Const. Doc. 

P- 314. 

P. 166. The Instrument of Government, XXVII. ' That a 
constant yearly revenue shall be raised, settled, and established 
for maintaining of 10,000 horse and dragoons, and 20,000 foot, 

besides ,£200,000 per annum for defraying the other 

necessary charges of administration of justice, and other 
expenses of the Government, which revenue shall be raised by 
the customs, and such other ways and means as shall be agreed 
upon by the Lord Protector and the Council, and shall not be 
taken away or diminished, nor the way agreed upon for raising 
the same altered, but by the consent of the Lord Protector and 
the Parliament.' Const. Doc. p. 322. 




NEW YORK, N, Y, 



418 NOTES 

P. 171. The Instrument of Government, XXIV. 'That all 
Bills agreed unto by the Parliament, shall be presented to the 
Lord Protector for his consent ; and in case he shall not give 
his consent thereto within twenty days after they shall be 
presented to him, or give satisfaction to the Parliament within 
the time limited, that then, upon declaration of the Parliament 
that the Lord Protector hath not consented nor given satis- 
faction, such Bills shall pass into and become laws, although 
he shall not give his consent thereunto ; provided such Bills 
contain nothing in them contrary to the matters contained in 
these presents.' Const. Doc. p. 321. 

26. 

From ' Clarendon State Papers,' Bodleian, under the date 
mentioned. 

27. 

From ' His Highness Speech to the Parliament in the 
Painted Chamber, at their Dissolution, upon Monday the 
22d of January, 1654. Published to prevent mistakes, and 
false Copies. London, Printed by Henry Hills, Printer to His 
Highness the Lord Protector, and are to be sold at the Sign 
of Sir John Oldcastle near Py-corner. MDCLIV.' 

At the end of this pamphlet is the following notice : — 
' Monday, 5th Febr. 1654. At the Councill at Whitehall. 
Ordered, That no person or persons whatsoever presume, at 
their perils, on any pretence whatsoever, to print or reprint, 
either in part or whole, His Highness Speech to the Parliament 
in the Painted Chamber, at their Dissolution on Monday the 
22nd. of January 1654, other than Henry Hills, Printer to His 
Highness, and such as he shall employ and appoint in that 
behalf. W. Jessop, Clerk of the Councill.' 

' Jan. 27, 1654 . . . This day his Highnesse speech was passed 
in order to the presse, it being transcribed out of short [hand], 
but it wilbe Thursday next before it bee published.' Clarke MS. 
27, fol. 37 b. 

'Westminster, February 3, 165I. — His Highnesse nott having 



NOTES 449 

time to peruse his speech and correct itt for the presse is the 
reason why itt is nott yett published . . . ' Clarke MS. 27, fol. 43. 
See The Clarke Papers, by C. H. Firth, vol. iii. p. 21. 

P. 174. 'Your own Declaration.' It will be remembered that 
at the end of Speech 25 the Members were required to sign 
a recognition of the government. On Sept. 14, the House 
appointed a Committee to prepare something in reference to 
the Subscription, for their further consideration. The Com- 
mittee reported as follows: — 'The Parliament doth Declare, 
That the Recognition of the Government, by the Members of 
this Parliament in the words following ; viz. 

" I do hereby freely promise and engage, to be true and faith- 
ful to the Lord Protector, and the Commonwealth of England, 
Scotland, and Ireland ; and shall not, according to the Tenor of 
the Indenture, whereby I am returned to serve in this present 
Parliament, propose, or give my consent, to alter the Govern- 
ment as it is settled in one Person and a Parliament," 

Doth not comprehend, nor shall be construed to compre- 
hend therein, the whole Government, consisting of Forty-two 
Articles ; but that the same doth only include what concerns 
the Government of the Commonwealth by a single Person and 
successive Parliaments. 

Which was several times read ; and upon the Question, was 
resolved ; and passed. Ordered, by the Parliament, That this 
Declaration be forthwith printed and published.' Commons' 
Journals, vii. p. 368. On the following day the House sent 
for the Original Record of the Government and proceeded as 
usual to discuss the 'matter of Government ' day by day. 

P. 179. The Instrument of Government. VIL That there 
shall be a Parliament summoned to meet at Westminster 
upon the third day of September, 1654, and that successively 
a Parliament shall be summoned once in every third year, to 
be accounted from the dissolution of the present Parliament. 

VIII. That neither the Parliament to be next sum- 
moned, nor any successive Parliaments, shall, during the time 
of five months, to be accounted from the day of their first 
meeting, be adjourned, prorogued, or dissolved, without their 
own consent. Constitutional Documents, p. 315. 



450 NOTES 

P. 190. The Instrument of Government. XXXV. That the 
Christian religion, as contained in the Scriptures, be held forth 
and recommended as the public profession of these nations ; 
and that, as soon as may be, a provision, less subject to scruple 
and contention, and more certain than the present, be made 
for the encouragement and maintenance of able and painful 
teachers, for the instructing the people, and for discovery 
and confutation of error, hereby, and whatever is contrary to 
sound doctrine ; and until such provision be made, the present 
maintenance shall not be taken away or impeached. 

XXXVI. That to the public profession held forth none shall 
be compelled by penalties or otherwise ; but that endeavours 
be used to win them by sound doctrine and the example of 
a good conversation. 

XXXVII. That such as profess faith in God by Jesus Christ 
(though differing in judgement from the doctrine, worship or 
discipline publicly held forth) shall not be restrained from, but 
shall be protected in, the profession of the faith and exercise 
of their religion ; so as they abuse not this liberty to the 
civil injury of others and to the actual disturbance of the public 
peace on their parts : provided this liberty be not extended to 
Popery or Prelacy, nor to such as, under the profession of 
Christ, hold forth and practise licentiousness. Constitutional 
Documents, p. 324. 

P. 192. 'A True State of the Case of the Commonwealth of 
England, Scotland, and Ireland, and the Dominions thereto 
belonging ; In reference to the late established Government by 
a Lord Protector, and a Parliament, &c. London, Printed 
by Tho. Newcomb, over against Baynards-Castle, in Thames- 
street, 1654.' Bodleian, Pamph. 99; B. M., E. 728 (5). 

P. 204. See Instrument of Government, XXVII, already 
quoted. 

28. 

From Clarke MS. 27, fol. 44 ; Worcester College, Oxford. 

Note should be taken here of a speech made on Feb. 13, 165^. 
' This day his Highness made a large and satisfactory speech to 
the Lord Mayor, Aldermen, and many of the Common Council, 



NOTES 451 

of the real ground of this new intended war, and afterwards 
read Charles Stuart's letter and many material depositions for 
proving thereof, as also Major Wildman's draught of a Declara- 
tion (shewing the grounds of the same) when he was taken 
Saturday last, dictating of it to his clerk, for which he is now 
committed to Chepstow Castle, and will probably loose his life. 
A Commission was likewise read giving power to the Lord 
Mayor, Aldermen, Major-General Skippon, and others, to 
secure, disarm, and raise forces for defence of the City, but not 
any of these to be drawn forth without their own consents, to 
which they did willingly agree.' Clarice MS. 27. i The Lord 
Mayor, Aldermen, Recorder, and sixty of the Common Council of 
London by the Protector's order came to him at Whitehall, 
where he acquainted them with the danger of the conspiracy, 
the conspirators, and what they had discovered ; wished them 
to be careful to preserve the peace of the City, gave them 
a Commission for a Committee of Militia in London, and to 
raise forces to be under the command of their old faithful 
Major-General Skippon.' Memorials of the English Affairs, p. 599. 

29. 

From ' Certain Passages of Everydayes Intelligence,' Bodleia?i, 
Hope Adds. 99. 

'14 July, 1655. Yesterday his Highness sent for all the 
Judges to Whitehall, where he gave them a very learned 
charge before they entered upon their several circuits, &c.' 
Clarke MS. 27, fol. 103 b. 

30. 

From 'Memorials of the English Affairs,' 1682, p. 610. 

' The Banqueting-House was richly hung with Arras, multi- 
tudes of Gentlemen in it, and of ladies in the galleries. The 
Ambassador's people were all admitted into the room, and 
made a lane within the rails in the midst of the room. At 
the upper end upon a foot-pace and carpet, stood the Pro- 
tector with a chair of state behind him, and divers of his 
Council and Servants about him. 
Gg2 



452 NOTES 

The Master of the Ceremonies went before the Ambassador 
on the left side, the Ambassador in the middle between White- 
locke and Strickland, went up in the open lane of the room ; 
as soon as they came within the room, at the lower end of the 
lane, they put off their hats. The Ambassador a little while 
after the rest, and when he was uncovered, the Protector also 
put off his hat, and answered the Ambassador's three salutations 
in his coming up to him, and on the foot-pace they saluted 
each other as usually friends do : And when the Protector put 
on his hat, the Ambassador put on his, as soon as the other. 

After a little pause the Ambassador put off his hat, and 
began to speak, and then put it on again ; and whensoever in 
his Speech he named the King his Master, or Sweden, or the 
Protector, or England, he moved his hat, especially, if he men- 
tioned anything of God or the good of Christendom, he put off 
his hat very low ; and the Protector still answered him in the 
like postures of civility. The Ambassador spake in the Swedish 
language and after he had done, being but short, his Secretary, 
Berkman, did interpret it in Latin to this effect,' &c. 

Many other passages of compliment and civility were in his ex- 
pressions ; and after his interpreter had done, the Protector stood 
still a pretty while, and putting off his hat to the Ambassador, 
with a carriage full of gravity and state, he answered him in Eng- 
lish to this effect . . . .' Memorials of the English Affairs, p. 610. 

31. 

From ' The Life of Oliver Cromwell,' 1724. 

'About this Time, a Design was form'd by the Protector, of 
settling the Jews again in this Nation ; and Manasseh Ben- 
Israel, a great Rabbi, came over and made his stated Proposals, 
and had a Conference upon them, for re-admitting that People 
to exercise Trade and Worship in England. The Protector, 
on this Occasion, sent for divers Ministers of the Gospel, and 
laid those Proposals before them ; and at the same time with 
great earnestness declared his Opinion, " That " &c.' The Life 
of Oliver Cromwell, 1724, p. 299. 

Some apology must be made for including this fragment 



NOTES 453 

amongst the speeches, and giving it an approximate date. An 
account is here added which is contemporary, though the sub- 
stance is much the same. 

1 A Narrative of the late proceeds at White-Hall concerning 
the Jews &c London, 1656/ says that the debates began * the 
4th of Dec. last and so on two or three days weekly to the 18th.' 
A short account is given of the arguments of the various 
speakers, and on page 9 we read, ' All having been heard, the 
Ld. Protector on the 18 of Decemb., and before, professed, that he 
had no engagement to Jews, hut only what the Scripture holds forth ; 
and that he had hoped by these Preachers to have had some clearing 
the case, as to conscience. But seeing these agreed not, but were of 
two or three opinions, it was left the more doubtful to him and the 
Council. And he hoped to do nothing herein hastily or rashly; 
and had much need of all their prayers, that the Lord would direct 
them, so as may be to his glory, and to the good of the Nation. 
And thus was the dismission of that Assembly.' Again on 
p. 10, 'The Protector shewed a favourable inclination towards 
our harbouring the afflicted Jews ; (professing he had no 
engagements but upon Scripture grounds) in several Speeches 
that he made.' And p. 12, after recounting the proposals, 
1 The Protector when the Proposals had been read, said, if more 
were proposed than it was meet should be granted : it might 
now be considered, 1. Whether it be lawful at all to receive in 
the Jews. 2. If it be lawful, then upon what terms it's meet 
to receive them.' Bodleian, Wood 637 (3). 

1 Dec. 1655. Divers Ministers sent for by the Protector, whom 
he acquainted with the Proposals made by Manasseth Ben Israel 
the Jew, and referred them to the Consideration of the Minis- 
ters and others.' Memorials of the English Affairs, p. 618. 



32. 

From Clarke MS. 28, fol. 5 ; Worcester College, Oxford. 

1 March 5. This afternoon the Lord Mayor, Aldermen, and 
divers of the Common Council, having been sent for by his 
Highness, were admitted to his presence, to whom his Highness 



454 NOTES 

made a speech ; wherein he was pleased to signify the reasons 
that induced him to appoint Major-Generals in the several 
divisions of Counties ; it being hoped, that it would prove a 
good means to preserve the peace of the Commonwealth, and 
to suppress vice and wickedness, and encourage godliness and 
virtue. And that having found the endeavours of the Major- 
Generals very much conducing to those ends in the Country, 
his Highness believed they would be no less effectual in the 
City of London, and therefore had appointed Maj.-Gen. Skippon 
to be their Major-General, to be assisted by Sir John Barkstead, 
Major-General of Middlesex, and Lieutenant of the Tower, and 
some other persons who are to act along with them, in which 
his Highness declared, that all respect should be had to the 
preservation of the immunities, privileges, and civil government 
of the City.' Merc. Pol, Feb. 28-March 6. 

'March, 1655. The Mayor, Aldermen, and divers of the 
Common Council of London, being sent for came to the Pro- 
tector, who told them the reason of his appointing the Major- 
Generals in the several Counties, as a means to preserve the 
Peace, to suppress wickedness, and to encourage Goodness, and 
having found the good effects hereof in the Counties, he 
thought fit to appoint Major-General Skippon for the same end 
in the City ; and that all care should be had of their Immu- 
nities, and Government.' Memorials of the English Affairs, 
1682, p. 622. 

33. 

From Clarke MS. 28, fol. 69 b ; Worcester College, Oxford. 

34. 

From B. M. MS. Adds. Ayscough, No. 6125, ff. 34~6ob. The 
substance is given very shortly in Clarke MS. 28, fol. 72 b. 

The text of this speech is evidently far from complete, but 
for the present we must rest content, as the MS. in the British 
Museum seems to be the only full report in existence. The 
small quarto that contains it, is a collection of speeches, in 



NOTES 455 

shape, binding, and writing, not unlike the Clarke MSS. now 
in Worcester College Library. The speech was first edited, 
with others, in 1828, by Mr. J. T. Rutt, and added to his ' Diary 
of Thomas Burton,' whence most of them were transferred to 
Carlyle's Letters and Speeches of Oliver Cromwell. 

'Dr. Owen preached, and the Protector made a speech of 
almost 3 hours, which will be minted.' -Calendar of (Domestic) 
State Papers, p. 113. 

'Wednesday, the 17th of September, 1656. On Wednesday 
the 17th of September, 1656, being the First Day of the Meeting 
of this Parliament, His Highness the Lord Protector, attended 
by the Lord President, and the rest of his Highness's Council, 
and other Officers of State, came to the Abbey Church in 
Westminster; where also the Members of Parliament met; 
and heard a Sermon, preached by Doctor Owen, Dean of Christ 
Church, and Vice-Chancellor of the University of Oxford ; and 
from thence his Highness came to the Painted-Chamber, where 
most of the Members of Parliament were present : To whom 
his Highness communicated the Occasion of Calling this present 
Parliament. After which the Members repaired to the House ; 
at the Door whereof, some Persons, by his Highness' Appoint- 
ment, attended, and received, of every Member, a Certificate, 
from the Clerk of the Commonwealth in Chancery, that he was 
returned to serve in this present Parliament, and approved by 
the Council ; and thereupon he was admitted into the House.' 
Commons' Journals, vol. vii. p. 423. 

P. 216. See 'A Declaration of His Highnes, by the advice of 
his Council ; setting forth on the behalf of this Commonwealth, 
the justice of their cause against Spain. Friday the 26th of 
October, 1655, &c. London, Printed by Henry Hills and 
John Field, Printers to His Highness, 1655.' 

' The just and most reasonable causes and grounds of our 
late enterprise upon some Islands possessed by the subjects of 
the King of Spain in the West Indies, are very obvious to any 
that shall reflect upon the posture wherein the said King and 
his people have always stood in relation to the English Nation 
in those parts of America, which hath been no other than 
a continual state of open war and hostility ; at the first most 



456 NOTES 

unjustly begun by them, and ever since in like sort continued 
and prosecuted, contrary to the Common Right and Law of 
Nations and the particular Treaties between England and 
Spain.' The Declaration refers to the war as ' the prosecution 
of a war already in being' and asserts that the 'absurd pre- 
tensions' of the Spaniards are based only on the 'Pope's 
donation, and their first discovering some parts of the West- 
Indies.' The origin of this hostility is then briefly referred to, 
as in Cromwell's speech, and various acts of aggression recited. 
P. 216. 'For their messenger was murdered.' Anthony 
Ascham, killed in Madrid, June 5, 1650. See Clarendon's 
History, xiii. 8-10. 

P. 224. See 'A Declaration of his Highnes, by the advice 
of his Council, shewing the reasons of their proceedings for 
securing the peace of the Commonwealth, upon the occasion 
of the late insurrection and rebellion. London, 1655.' This 
refers at length to the endeavours made to reconcile the King's 
party, in spite of which ' they have notoriously manifested it to 
the consciences of all men that they do not only retain their 
old principles, and still adhere to their former interest in direct 
opposition to the Government established, but have been all 
along hatching new disturbances, and endeavouring as well by 
secret and bloody assassinations, as by open force, to introduce 
the one, and overthrow and subvert the other.' A full account 
is then given of the late insurrection and of the parties em- 
ployed. < And they found John Wildman, and some others of 
the like principles, most fitting instruments for managing that 
part of crying for Liberty &c.' 'And Wildman had brought 
his part to such maturity, that he wanted very little but the 
open declaring himself in arms, having in effect finished the 
Declaration which was to be published on that occasion, as 
appears by the Declaration itself; but it pleased God to pre- 
vent it by his sudden and unexpected apprehension, with his 
Declaration before him, just as he was dictating to his servant 
the conclusion thereof (see p. 229). The Declaration con- 
tinues : ■ Upon these grounds, we have been necessitated to 
erect a new and standing Militia of Horse in all the counties 
of England, under such pay as might be without burthen to the 



NOTES 457 

peaceable and well-affected, and be a fitting encouragement 
to the officers and soldiers, that they might not go to war at 
their own charge ; and therefore we have thought fit to lay the 
burthen of maintaining these forces, and some other public 
charges which are occasioned by them, upon those who have 
been engaged in the late wars against the State, having respect 
notwithstanding therein to such of them, as are not able to 
undergo that charge.' 

Other Declarations against Cavaliers were also issued in the 
following year, before the meeting of the first Protectorate 
Parliament. 

P. 225. 'And he that gave our instructions lost his life for 
it.' Henry Manning, killed near Cologne, Dec. 1655. See 
Clarendon's History, xiv. 138-44. 

P. 226. ' He that watched over that. 5 Sir John Barkstead, 
the Lieutenant of the Tower of London. 

P. 232. For preserving the peace of the Commonwealth, 
England was divided into districts under Major-Generals ; 
' faithful and able persons,' says the Clarice MS., who had under 
their command forces ' in the nature of a standing militia.' 
Their instructions are published. ' They are to endeavour the 
suppression of all tumults, insurrection, rebellion, as also in- 
vasion ; they are to see that all Papists are disarmed ; they are 
to make highways and roads safe for travellers.' ' They are to 
have a strict eye upon the conversation and carriage of all dis- 
affected persons within the several Counties, &c, as also that 
no Horse-races, Cock-fightings, Bear-baitings, Stage-plays, or any 
unlawful assemblies be permitted within their Counties. For- 
asmuch as treason and rebellion is usually hatched and con- 
trived against the State upon such occasions, and much evil 
and wickedness committed. They . . . shall labour to inform 
themselves of all such idle and loose people that are within 
their Counties, who have no visible way of livelihood, nor 
calling or employment, and shall consider by what means they 
may be compelled to work, or be sent out of the Common- 
wealth. As also how the poor and impotent of those Counties 
may be employed and better provided for, than now they are, 
and certify the same to us and the Council for our further 



458 NOTES 

direction thereupon. And in the meantime, shall endeavour 
as far as in them lies, that the Laws in such cases, made and 
provided, be put in effectual execution.' They are also by their 
carriage and conversation to promote Godliness; they are to 
see to the execution of the laws against various offences, such 
as drunkenness and blasphemy, and to the execution of the 
Ordinance for ejecting Scandalous Ministers and Schoolmasters, 
and to report to the Council from time to time. 

P. 241. • The basis of the Protector's plan for the reorganisa- 
tion of the Church was the scheme which John Owen had 
presented to the Long Parliament in 1652. On March 20, 1654, 
Cromwell issued an ordinance " for the approbation of public 
preachers," which appointed thirty-eight commissioners, lay 
and clerical, to sit permanently in London and examine into 
the qualifications of all candidates for livings. Their business 
was to certify that they found the candidate " to be a person 
for the grace of God in him, his holy and unblamable conver- 
sation, as also for his knowledge and utterance, able and fit to 
preach the Gospel," and without obtaining this certificate no 
one was in future to be admitted to a benefice. The Com- 
missioners were not empowered to impose any doctrinal tests, 
and it was expressly declared that approbation by them "is not 
intended nor shall be construed to be any solemn or sacred 
setting apart of any person to any particular office in the 
ministry." All the " Triers " undertook to do was to see that 
none but fit and proper persons should receive "the public 
stipend and maintenance " guaranteed by the State. 

After provision for the appointment of the fit came provision 
for the elimination of the unfit. A second ordinance, issued 
in August, 1654, appointed local commissioners in every county 
to remove scandalous and inefficient ministers and school- 
masters within its limits. Amongst the reasons which justified 
ejection were included not merely immoral conduct or Popish 
and blasphemous opinions, but disaffection to the government 
and the use of the Prayer-book. In September, the work was 
completed by a third ordinance for the union of small and the 
division of large and populous parishes.' Firth's Oliver Crom- 
well, pp. 358-9. 



NOTES 459 

35. 

From Clarke MS., fol. 117 b ; Worcester College, Oxford. 

' Which being done, Mr. Speaker attended with the whole 
House, the Clerk with the Bills in his Hand, and the Serjeant 
with his Mace, going next and immediately before him, went 
up to the Painted Chamber : Where his Highness, attended 
with the Lord President and the rest of the Council, the Lords 
Commissioners of the Great Seal, the Lords Commissioners of 
the Treasury, the Lord Chief Justice of the Upper Bench, the 
Master of the Rolls, the Lord Chief Justice of the Common- 
Pleas, and the rest of the Judges, was expecting.' 1 

1 The Speaker addressed himself to his Highness, and gave an 
Account of the Employment of the House during their sitting : 
And that many Bills for the Publick Good were upon the 
Anvil ; some were completed, whereof some Publick ; of which 
he made a particular Relation,' &c. 

'After which, the Clerk read the Title of the First Bill, which 
was presented, being intituled, An Act, That the Passing of 
Bills shall not determine this present Session of Parliament : 
Which Bill his Highness caused to be read : And, upon reading 
thereof, declared to the Clerk his consent to the same, in these 
Words, " We do consent : " And thereupon the Clerk made an 
Entry thereof on the Bill, in these words, " The Lord Protector 
doth consent : " And read the same.' Commons' Journals, 
vol. vii. p. 460, where also a complete list of the Bills, public 
and private, is given. 

36. 

From B. M. Lansdowne MS. 755, fol. 40. 

Miles Sindercombe engaged in a plot to burn Whitehall, and 
kill his Highness in the confusion. He was caught in the 
attempt, whereat much rejoicing. ' Resolved, That this House 
do wait upon his Highness the Lord Protector, to congratulate 
with his Highness for this great Mercy and Deliverance ' {Com- 
mons' Journals, vol. vii. p. 481), on which day ' Munday, the 



460 NOTES 

House spent some time in hearing all the transactions and 
depositions concerning the late plott at Whitehall read, and 
thereupon ordered, that Friday come fortnight should be ob- 
served as a day of thanksgiving for the discovery thereof before 
it was executed upon his Highness person. It was thereupon 
moved, that in respect his Highness person was in such con- 
tinuall danger by the wicked designes of disaffected persons, 
that for the better security of the nation a kingly and here- 
ditary government might be speedily setled. This was for 
some time debated, but came to no result. . . . Fryday [Jan. 23] 
the Speaker with above 200 of the Members attended his High- 
ness at Whitehall, and as they were goeing up into the ban- 
quettinge house part of the stayrecase brake, and down fell 
many of the Members, vizt. the Lord Richard Cromwell, whose 
shoulder was much bruised ; Mr. Sollicitor Generall Ellis, one 
of whose legges is broken ; Lieutenant-Colonel White, whose 
arme is sayd to be broken, with many other members preju- 
diced.' The Clarke Papers, by C. H. Firth, vol. iii. p. 87. 



37. 

From B. M. MS. Adds. Ayscough, 6125, ff. 61 b-63 

Speeches 37-46 refer almost entirely to the humble Petition 
and Advice. This important revision of the Instrument of 
Government proposed the institution of Kingship, the creation 
of a second House, a constant Revenue, and sundry smaller 
changes which tended to define the relations of the executive 
and legislative powers. 

Feb. 28, Speech $y. Within five days of the introduction of 
this measure by Alderman Pack, the officers of the Army had 
signified 'the fears and jealousies that lay upon them in rela- 
tion to the Protectour's alteration of title,' and his Highness, 
as we see, judiciously spoke to them. The Bill continued to be 
keenly debated in the House, but the proceedings were conducted 
with great secrecy. On Friday, March 27, the House resolved 
to desire the Protector's consent, and he appointed the follow- 
ing Tuesday. 



NOTES 461 

Tues., March 31, Speech 38. The House presented the Bill, 
which the Protector said, would require the utmost deliberation. 
On Friday, April 3, however, he wrote an important letter to 
the Speaker of the House 1 , upon the reading of which a Com- 
mittee was chosen to attend his Highness. 

April 3, Speech 39. The Protector informed this Committee, 
which attended this afternoon, that he objected to the change of 
title, and if Parliament would so resolve, it would save him the 
trouble of urging his objections. On Saturday, April 4, when 
the Committee reported, the House at once divided, and re- 
solved to adhere to their humble Petition and Advice. On 
Monday they resolved to acquaint his Highness with their vote 
and to present reasons. 

April 8, Speech 40. The House attend his Highness, who 
asks for a Committee. This was appointed on Thursday, the 
following day, 'to receive from his Highness his doubts and 
scruples, &c.' A series of meetings followed, some delays 
being caused by the Protector's ill state of health. 

Sat, April II, Speech 41. General discussion on powers of 
the Committee, method of procedure, and 1st Article (King- 
ship). 

Mon., April 13, Speech 42. Objections by 0. C. to 1st Article. 

Thars., April 16. The Committee urge their objections to his 
Highness' last speech. His Highness declares their reasons to 
be weighty, and desires time to answer them. 

Mon., April 20, Speech 43. His Highness answers their argu- 
ments and renews his objections to Article 1. 

Tues., April 21, Speech 44. His Highness points out defects 
in the other Articles of the humble Petition and Advice. On 
the following day the Committee reported the result of their 
labours to the House, and the House proceeded to spend much 
time in amending their Petition, but Kingship was retained. 

Tues., May 8, Speech 45. The House attended his Highness 
with the result of their work, only to receive a definite refusal 
of Kingship. This speech seems to have been ill received, if 
we are to judge from the fact that the House spent the next 
four days in debating it. Only on Tues., May 19, did the 
1 See Commons' Journals. 



462 NOTES 

House resolve that ' Lord Protector shall be the Title to be 
inserted in the humble Petition and Advice ; and that it be 
referred to a Committee to consider how that Title may be 
bounded, &c.' The division 'That the Question be now put,' 
resulted in a majority of ' one,' but the main question shewed 
77 yeas to 45 noes. The first Article was accordingly cut out, 
and with the new one inserted the Bill was presented to the 
Protector on Monday, May 25. 

Mon., May 25, Speech 46. His Highness accepts the humble 
Petition and Advice. An Additional Petition and Advice con- 
taining alterations, suggested by the Protector, received his 
consent on June 26. Both Petitions are printed in Gardiner's 
Constitutional Documents. 

No notice has been taken in the above account of the various 
appointments and adjournments of meetings, mentioned in the 
Commons'' Journals. 

'Feb. 28, 165 f . . . when the duty of the day was over at 
Whitehall his Highness made a large speech to many officers 
of the Army then present, wherein he took notice, That he 
knew nothing of the Bill for Kingship till the day before that 
Colonel Mills acquainted him therewith. That he might have 
been King long since if he had delighted to wear a feather in 
his hat, that those vain titles he was never taken with, yet 
thought it convenient that a check should be put upon the 
unlimited power of this Parliament, — which he never was free 
to call, nor willing to agree to the Instrument of Government 
made by eight of the Major-Generals, — for that by the same 
law and reason they punished Naylor, they might punish an 
Independent or Anabaptist whereby the interest of the godly 
people of the three nations could not be secure as the govern- 
ment is now established [by] the Instrument, for which he 
hath long desired [it] might be altered, desiring that any 
twenty of them, with some other friends, would meet with him 
and debate things for their satisfaction.' Clarke MS. 29, fol. 12. 

Clarke MS. 29, ff. 14 b, 15. 'I suppose you have heard that 
the officers have had their meetings and some of them were not 
without their dissatisfactions, but, his Highness having spoken 
to them at large the other night, this day they sent a Com- 



NOTES 463 

mittee to wait upon his Highness to assure him of their satis- 
faction in his Highness, and of their resolutions to acquiesce in 
what he should think to be for the good of these nations.' 

Ludlow writes as usual : ' In the meantime he endeavoured 
by all possible means to prevail with the officers of the Army 
to approve his design . . . said it was but a feather in a man's 
cap, and therefore wondered that men would not please the 
children and permit them to enjoy their rattle.' Firth's Clar. 
Press ed., Oxford, 1894, vol. ii. p. 24. 

P. 264. James Nayler. 'In October, 1656, he rode into 
Bristol, attended by a crowd of frantic devotees, some of them 
casting branches on the road, all chanting loud hosannas, 
several even vowing that he had miraculously raised them from 
the dead. For his share in these transactions Nayler was 
brought before a committee in Parliament. No sworn evidence 
was taken. Nobody proved that he had spoken a word. The 
worst that could be alleged was that he had taken part in 
a hideous parody. The House found that he was guilty of 
blasphemy, that he was a grand impostor, and a seducer of the 
people. It was actually proposed to inflict the capital sen- 
tence, and the offender only escaped death by a majority of 
fourteen, in a division of a hundred and seventy-eight members.' 
The sentence finally imposed is then given, and Cromwell's 
letter on his behalf quoted. ' This rebuke notwithstanding, 
the execrable sentence was carried out to the letter. It galled 
Cromwell to find that under the Instrument he had no power 
to interfere with the Parliamentary assumption of judicial 
attributes, and this became an additional reason for that 
grand constitutional revision which was now coming into sight.' 
Morley's Oliver Cromwell, pp. 403-4. 



From B. M. MS. Adds. Ayscough, 6125, ff. 74-5. Other 
versions in B. M. Lansdowne MS. 754, fol. 153 ; Clarke MS. 29, 
fol. 29 b; Publick Intelligencer, 77. 

For the occasions and dates of all speeches headed 'The 
humble Petition and Advice,' see Note to Speech yj. 



464 NOTES 

The Publick Intelligencer, 77, has some account of the ceremony 
on this occasion. 'The Speaker's speech being ended, the 
Humble Petition and Advice was first read by Henry Scobell, Esq., 
Clerk of the Parliament, and afterwards the engrossed copy of 
it was presented to his Highness. Which being done his 
Highness was pleased to deliver himself in a speech to the 
Parliament, expressing very much of piety, gravity and good 
affection to the Parliament and people of these nations. He 
observed, &c.' Here follows an abstract of the speech, and the 
writer concludes, « These are only some short heads of what 
was much more copiously and elegantly spoken by his Highness 
to the Parliament, with that majesty and authority, which 
appears most eminent in all his public actions ; in the repetition 
whereof I have only to crave pardon, for fear lest I have been 
injurious to the dignity of so wise and so serene a person.' 
See also Commons' Journals, vol. vii. 

The Speaker's speech is printed in Burton's Diary, vol. i. 
PP- 397-413- 



39. 

From Carte Papers, Ixxx, ff. 755-6, Bodleian. Other 
versions in Clarke MS. 29, fol. 33 b ; B. M. MS. Adds. Ayscough, 
6125. 

For chronology, see Note to Speech 37. 

P. 269. ' Which was it I acquainted them with by letter this 
day.' 

' Friday, the 3rd of April, 1657. A letter from his Highness 
the Lord Protector, dated this day, directed to the Speaker, 
was this day read. Resolved, that a Committee be appointed 
to wait upon his Highness the Lord Protector, upon this letter.' 
Commons' Journals, vii. p. 519. 

P. 272. 'The most I said in commendation of this Instrument 
may be returned upon me thus, Are there such good things so 
well provided for, why cannot you accept them without such 
an ingredient ? ' This hardly seems to make better sense than 
the previous version, and in all probability both are wrong. 



NOTES 465 

It will be noticed that the House took a very definite view 
of the meaning of this speech, and consequently I am inclined 
to think that in this sentence the question and answer have 
been placed together. Perhaps we should read ' why cannot 
you accept them ? Because of such an ingredient ' ; or, ' why 
cannot you accept them ? Without such an ingredient [I can].' 
Or, there is the remote possibility that the whole question is 
addressed to Parliament, in which case a full stop should be 
placed after ' thus,' and the meaning would be, ' why cannot 
you accept alterations without proposing kingship.' 

His Highness' speech was accepted as negative, and the 
House took action accordingly. 

' Sat., the 4th of April, 1657. The Lord Commissioner Whit- 
lock reports from the Committee appointed yesterday to 
attend his Highness the Lord Protector, That the said Com- 
mittee did attend his Highness, according to the Order of the 
House ; and that his Highness did express himself to the 
Committee to this effect.' (The speech, however, is not given.) 
' The Question being propounded, That this House doth adhere 
to their humble Petition and Advice, presented to his Highness 
the Lord Protector ; And the Question being put, That that 
Question be now put : The House was divided. 

The Noes went forth. 

Major-General Whalley (Tellers for the Noes ;) 
Colonel Talbott [With the Noes. J 5 

Major-General Howard (Tellers for the Yeas \\ 
Major-General Jephson (With the Yeas. j 

So it passed in the affirmative. 

And the Main Question being put, That this House doth 
adhere to their humble Petition and Advice presented to his 
Highness the Lord Protector : The House was again divided. 
The Noes went forth. 

Major Disbrow (Tellers for the Noes ;) 
Colonel Hewson (With the Noes. j 

General Montagu (Tellers for the Yeas ;| g 
Sir John Hobart (With the Yeas. j 

So it was resolved, &c.' Commons' Journals, vii. p. 520. 
Hh 



466 NOTES 



40. 



From Clarke MS. 29, fol. 39 ; Worcester College, Oxford. 

Other versions in B. M. Sloane MS. 4157, ff. 180-1 ; B. M. 
MS. Adds. Ayscough, 6125, ff. 78 b-80 b ; The Publick Intelli- 
gencer, 78, &c. 

For chronology, see Note to Speech 37. 

Commons' Journals. 'Thursday, the 9th of April, 1657. 
Mr. Speaker reported to the House the effect of his Highness 
speech, in answer to the address made by the House, at his 
meeting with the House yesterda} r . Resolved, that a Com- 
mittee be appointed to wait upon his Highness the Lord Pro- 
tector in reference to what his Highness did yesterday propose 
in his speech, now reported to the House.' 

In Speeches 39 and 40, MS. Adds. Ayscough 6125 agrees as 
a rule with the corrections made from the Clarke MS., Sloane 
MS., and the Publick Intelligencer. But it must be remembered 
that this MS., being a collection of speeches, may have been 
copied from these sources, and can hardly be regarded as an 
authority, except in the cases of Speeches 34 and 37, of which 
we have no other report, and Speeches 38 and 44, which may 
have been copied from sources now lost to us. 



41. 

From ' Monarchy Asserted, To be the best, most Ancient and 
legall form of Government, in a conference had at Whitehall, 
with Oliver la/te Lord Protector and a Committee of Parliament : 
&c. London, Printed by Iohn Redmayne for Philip Chetwin, 
1660.' Bodleian, Ashmole 999 ; B. M. 809, d. 6. 

For chronology, see Note to Speech 37. 

In Monarchy Asserted the following extract from the Com- 
mons' Journals (vol. vii. p. 521) precedes the Report of this 
discussion: — 'Thursday the ninth of April, 1657. Ordered by 
the Parliament, that a Committee be appointed to wait upon 
his Highness the Lord Protector, in reference to what his 



NOTES 467 

Highness did yesterday propose in his speech, now reported 
to the House. 

Resolved, That this Committee have power to receive from 
his Highness his doubts and scruples, touching any of the 
particulars contained in the humble Petition and Advice for- 
merly presented ; and in answer thereunto, to offer to his 
Highness reasons for his satisfaction, and for the maintenance 
of the Resolutions of this House ; and such particulars as they 
cannot satisfy his Highness in, that they report the same to the 
Parliament.' (The Names of the Committee follow, ninety-nine 
in number.) ' To meet forthwith in the Speaker's Chamber. 
Resolved, That this Committee have power to appoint some of 
their number to attend his Highness, to desire him to appoint 
a time when they may wait upon him according to those Votes. 
Hen. Scobell, Clerk of the Parliament.' 

A slight difficulty is caused in this Report by the use of 
the title ' Lord Chief Justice.' Chief Justice Glynne of the 
Upper Bench is the only one mentioned in the list of 
the Committee given in the Commons Journals; but in 
addition Monarchy Asserted places Oliver St. John, Chief 
Justice of the Common Pleas, immediately above Glynne, 
as one of the speakers. The Editor of the Parliamentary 
History divides the speeches between both speakers: Carlyle 
attributes them all to Glynne. On the other hand, Glynne is 
mentioned by name later on, so that it looks as if the other 
title referred to Oliver St. John. Under these circumstances 
the title has been left as it stands in the original. As to 
the other names, the Master of the Rolls is Mr. Lenthall, late 
Speaker of the Long Parliament ; Fiennes is spelt ' Fines.' 

42. 

From Ashmole MS. 749 (11), Bodleian. 

Another version in Monarchy Asserted and short notes in 
B. M. Harleian MS. 6846, fol. 236. 

For chronology, see Note to Speech 37. 

' Wednesday, 15 April, 1657. The Lord Whitelock acquaints 
the House, That the Committee attended his Highness yester- 
H h 2 



468 NOTES 

day at Whitehall ; but by reason of his indisposition of health, 
the meeting was appointed this day, at three of the clock in 
the afternoon : which being so, and the Notes upon the former 
meeting being not perfectly transcribed, the Committee humbly 
pray some further time for the making of their Report in that 
business. 1 Commons' Journals, vol. vii. p. 522. 

On Thursday, April 16, the Committee answered Speech 42 : — 

' Friday, 17 of April, 1657. The Lord Whitelock acquaints 
the House, That yesterday the afternoon was spent by the 
Committee appointed to attend his Highness, in giving reasons 
to his Highness for his satisfaction ; which his Highness 
declared to be weighty, and to require some deliberation ; and 
desired some time, till this afternoon, to give answer to them ' : 
Commons' Journals, vol. vii. p. 522. His Highness 1 speech on 
this afternoon of Thursday is missing, and his answer was not 
given till April 20, Speech 43. 

It will be noticed that Speeches 37-46 are preceded by 
the heading ' The humble Petition and Advice. 1 This is 
because the speeches, as a group, refer to the whole Bill, 
and by no means only to the Article containing Kingship. 
Further confusion may be saved by attending to a sentence in 
Thurloe, vi. 219: — 'He hath had 3 or 4 conferences with 
a Committee of Parliament about the title, he giving reasons 
against it, they for it." His Highness is concerned to defend 
' Protectorship, 1 and his arguments in general should be read 
from that point of view. The expression ' the title ' then must 
be carefully observed, as it sometimes refers to Protectorship 
and not to Kingship. 

P. 306. In Monarchy Asserted, p. 43, the passage reads thus, 
' I would advise you, that if there be any of a forward or 
unmannerly or womanish spirit I would not have you lose them. 
I would not that you should lose any servant or friend, that 
may help in this work, [or] that they should be offended by 
that, that signifies no more to me than as I told you, that is 
I do not think the thing necessary, I do not. I would not that 
you should lose a friend for it, &c.' 



NOTES 469 



43. 



From Monarchy Asserted, pp. 80-7. 

Another version, B. M. MS. Adds. Ayscough, 6125, ff. 1 1-15. 

This speech is a reply to the arguments urged by the 
Committee on Thursday, April 16, against his former speech of 
Monday, April 13. For chronology, see Note to Speech 37. 

'Tuesday, the 21st of April, 1657. The Lord Whitelock 
acquaints the House, That the Committee attended his High- 
ness yesterday ; who was pleased to speak something to what 
had been formerly offered ; and had a Paper, wherein, he said 
were contained some other things which he had to offer to the 
Committee ; and desired another time to be appointed for that 
purpose : And this day, at three of the clock in the afternoon, 
was agreed.' Commons' Journals, vol. vii. p. 522. 

Pp. 307-8. Lord Broghill: 'if therefore the title of Pro- 
tector should be the title of the supreme magistrate we should 
fit the laws to him, not him to the laws.' P. 69, Monarchy 
Asserted. 

Lord Whitelocke urges that the title of King is as Cromwell 
says founded on consent, but 'that the title of King is not 
only by an original common consent, but that consent also 
proved and confirmed, and the laws fitted thereunto, and that 
fitted to the laws by the experience and industry of many ages, 
and many hundreds of years together. Whereas any other 
title will be only by present common consent, without that 
experience and approbation. . . .' Pp. 77-8, Monarchy 
Asserted. 

Lord Whitelocke : ' I shall only add this, that a title by 
relation is not so certain and safe as a title upon the old 
foundation of the law : and that a title upon a present single 
constitution, as any new title must be, cannot be so firm as 
a title both upon the present constitution and upon the old 
foundation of the law likewise, which the title of King will be.' 
P. 79, Monarchy Asserted. 

Pp. 307-8. Lord Chief Justice Glynne : kingship ' cannot be 
transmitted to another name, without much labour, great 
hazard, if it may at all.' 



470 NOTES 

P. 312. Lord Broghill : 'Whatever is not particularly speci- 
fied the Protector is left to act arbitrarily, or a Parliament must 
be called to supply every new discovered defect, his power 
being derived only from that authority that now does, and 
hereafter shall, constitute them, which will prove dangerous 
and inconvenient.' 

44. 

From B. M. MS. Adds. Ayscough, 6125, if. 15-31 b. 

Another version in Monarchy Asserted, and MS. noted by 
Historical Manuscripts Commission, vol. ii. p. 87, the property 
of J. R. Ormsby-Gore, Esq., M.P., of Brogyntyn, co. Salop. 

For chronology, see Note to Speech ■$?. 

P. 321. Refers to the Act against dissolving the Parliament 
without its own consent, May 11, 1641. 'An Act to prevent 
inconveniences which may happen by the untimely adjourning, 
proroguing, or dissolving this present Parliament.' See 
Constitutional Documents, p. 87. 

P. 329. Mr. Feake was committed to prison on Jan. 28, 1654, 
' in order to the preservation of the peace of this nation,' 
having been brought before the Council on Dec. 21, respecting 
a meeting held at Blackfriars on Monday evening, 19 December. 
On that occasion he ' discoursed concerning the little horn in 
Daniel vii,' describing its nine characters, and concluding that 
it ' is a power sprung out of fourth monarchy, immediately 
before the beginning of the fifth, and which shall be destroyed 
by the fifth.' Mr. Vavasour Powell pursued the same interpre- 
tations, concluding ' that there is such a thing as fifth monarchy,' 
which Christ is now setting up : that there is now such a thing 
as a spirit of prophecy in the saints, whereby they are enabled 
to foretell the things to come ; and thereupon he undertook to 
foretell the downfall of the present power: that the great 
design of Christ is to destroy all antichristian forms, churches, 
and clergy.' Attacks on the existing state of society and 
government were pursued with great vehemence, and Mr. 
Feake was one of those 'that carried it on with heat.' An 
assembly on Feb. 5 was ' dull,' Mr. Feake being absent. 
Calendar of {Domestic) State Papers, under the above dates. 



NOTES 471 

P. 329. The printed book here mentioned, and also referred 
to on p. 31 1, cannot be identified with certainty. The Protector 
probably refers to ' Confusion Confounded : or, A firm way of 
Settlement settled and Confirmed. Wherein is Considered the 
Reasons of the Resignation of the late Parliament and the 
Establishment of a Lord Protector, London, 1654/ Bodleian, G. 
Pamph. 1787 (5). This is an answer to ' A True Narrative of 
the Cause and Manner of the Dissolution of the late Parlia- 
ment, &c, 1653,' in which the Votes of the late Parliament are 
defended. It shews that everything would have ended in utter 
confusion, and justifies the action of Cromwell in again taking 
up the power. . 

Space will not allow of the humble Petition and Advice 
being printed in full here, but the following extracts from the 
Additional and Explanatory Petition, presented on June 26, 
must be admitted, as they refer almost entirely to this speech. 
The references, placed by the side, are to Speech 44. 

< The humble Additional and Explanatory Petition and Advice, 
of the Knights, Citizens, and Burgesses now assembled in the 
Parliament of this Commonwealth. 

Whereas upon the humble Petition and Advice of the said 
Knights, Citizens, &c, lately presented and consented unto by 
your Highness ; certain Doubts and Questions have arisen, 
concerning some particulars therein comprised : for explana- 
tion whereof, May it please your Highness to declare and 
consent unto the Additions and Explanations hereafter men- 
tioned, and may it be declared with your Highness Consent ; 
In the fourth Article. 
(Pp. 332-3.) That such person and persons as invaded 
England, under Duke Hamilton, in the year 1648 ; or advised, 
consented, assisted, or voluntarily contributed unto that War ; 
and were for that cause debarred from publick trust by the 
Parliament of Scotland, be uncapable to Elect, or be Elected, 
to sit and serve as Members of Parliament, or in any other 
place of publick trust, relating unto the fourth and thirteenth 
Articles in the Petition and Advice, excepting such as since 



472 NOTES 

have borne Arms for your Highness, or the Parliament, or have 
been admitted to sit and serve in the Parliament of this 
Commonwealth, and are of good life and conversation, or such 
as shall hereafter be declared by your Highness, with the 
advice of your Council, to have given some signal testimony of 
their good affection and continuance of the same. 

(P. 334.) That the Proviso in the said fourth Article, be 
explained thus, viz. That such English and Scottish Protestants, 
who (since the defection of the Earl of Ormond, and the Lord 
Inchiquin, and before the first day of March, 1649) have borne 
Arms for, and ever since continued faithful to the Parliament, 
or your Highness, or have otherwise (before the said first day 
of March, 1649) given signal testimony of their good affection 
to this Commonwealth, and have ever since continued faithful 
to the same, shall not be debarred or deemed uncapable of 
electing, or being elected, to serve in Parliament. 

( p P> 334-5-) And whereas in the said fourth Article Public 
Ministers, or Public Preachers of the Gospel, are disabled to be 
elected to serve in Parliament; It is hereby explained and 
declared to extend to such Ministers and Preachers only, as 
have Maintenance for Preaching, or are Pastors or Teachers of 
Congregations. 

In the said fourth Article. 
(Pp- 335-6.) That instead of Commissioners to be appointed 
by Act of Parliament to examine and try whether the Members 
to be elected for the House of Commons in future Parliaments, 
be capable to sit according to the Qualifications mentioned in 
the said Petition and Advice, there shall be the Penalty and 
Fine of a 1000 pounds laid and inflicted upon every such un- 
qualified Member (be so adjudged) by the said House of Com- 
mons, and imprisonment of his Person until payment thereof. 
And that the ensuing Clauses in the said Article, &c, shall not 
be put in Execution, &c. 

In the fifth Article. 
(P. 336.) That the nomination of the Persons to supply the 
place of such Members of the other House, as shall die, or be 
removed, shall be by your Highness and your Successors. 



NOTES 473 

In the seventh Article. 

(Pp. 337, 342.) That the monies directed to be for the supply 
of the Sea and Land Forces, be issued by Advice of the Council, 
And that the Treasurer or Commissioners of the Treasury, shall 
give and Account of all the said money to every Parliament. 

(P. 338.) That the Officers of State, and Judges, in the Ninth 
Article of the said Petition and Advice mentioned, shall be 
chosen in the Intervals of Parliament, by the Consent of the 
Council, to be afterwards approved by Parliament.' Memorials 
of the English Affairs. For the full text of this explanatory 
Petition, and the humble Petition and Advice, see Constitutional 
Documents, pp. 334-50. 

P. 342. ' I cannot tell in this Article, that I am now to speak 
unto.' This paragraph refers to Article vii (pp. 337-8), and 
is obviously out of place ; in this case we should read ' that 
I am now speaking unto.' On p. 347 it will be noticed that 
his Highness again refers to Article vii, but this seems to be 
a genuine afterthought. 

P. 345. His Highness means, that the Ministers admit that 
a great service has been done to the Christian religion in 
England by the Institution of the 'Triers,' or Committee of 
Approbation. He adopted that device with this end in view, 
and what he did by virtue of that Institution was not done jure 
divino, but as a civil good. This is expressly said in the 
Ordinance of March 20, 1654. 

'Wednesday, the 22 of April, 1657. The Lord Whitelock 
reports, That the Committee did yesterday attend his High- 
ness ; who did then offer unto them a Paper, containing 
several scruples about several things in the Petition and 
Advice : And that a Committee are preparing a report of the 
whole business together.' Commons' 1 Journals, vol. vii. p. 522. 

'Thursday, the 23 of April, 1657. The Lord Commissioner 
Whitelock reports from the Committee appointed to wait on his 
Highness the Lord Protector, according to an order of the ninth 
of this month, the proceedings of the said Committee therein ; 
and the substance of his Highness' Speech to them, on the one- 
and-twentieth of this month ; and two Papers, delivered to the 



474 NOTES 

Committee by his Highness : which the Reporter read ; and 
afterwards were read by the Clerk.' Commons' Journals, vol. vii. 
p. 523. The House, after making alterations in the Petition, 
resolved on Thursdaj*, April 30, ' That the same Committee who 
did formerly attend the Lord Protector, touching the humble 
Petition and Advice, do attend his Highness with the several 
resolves of Parliament touching the matter ; and to desire his 
Highness to appoint a time, when the House may attend his 
Highness, for his positive resolution and answer to that humble 
Petition and Advice.' Commons' Journals, vol. vii. p. 529. The 
Committee presented and read the resolves on May I, but his 
Highness did not answer till May 8. 

45. 

From Commons' Journals, vol. vii. p. 533. Other versions in 
Clarke MS. 29, fol. 58 b ; B. M. MS. Adds. Ayscough, 6125, ff. 32, 
33 ; B. M. Harleian MS. 6846, fol. 237 ; Monarchy Asserted, 
p. in ; and Thurloe, vi. p. 267. 

For chronology, see Note to Speech 37. 

This is the last speech dealing with kingship, and probably 
the best conclusion of the matter is to agree with Clarendon, 
when he says that 'the Pr tector himself seemed to desire 
nothing more than to have the authority they had formerly 
given him, at least that he had exercised from the time he was 
Protector, confirmed and ratified by Act of Parliament.' To 
attain this it was necessary to persuade the House to amend 
their Bill, without risk of giving offence ; for it must be 
remembered that by the then Constitution the House could 
have made it Law, without the consent of the Protector. This 
was successfully achieved, though it cost some time on the 
Protector's part, and even more on the part of the House. The 
intense hostility of certain officers is no doubt explained by 
their dislike of the gradual return of the Constitution in its old 
form, whereby they more and more lost their political in- 
fluence. Of the speeches dealing with the humble Petition 
and Advice it will be noticed that No. 38 is merely an acknow- 
ledgement of the receipt of the Bill ; No. 40 is a request for 



NOTES 475 

a Committee ; the greater part also of No. 44 has nothing to 
do with kingship ; and No. 46 is delivered after consent has 
been given to the Bill, with kingship omitted. The remainder 
deal with the actual question of the title. The short chronology 
to No. 2>7 shews that the House of Commons was largely 
responsible for the time expended on this question. 

The Commons' Journals are mostly silent as to the debates 
in the House after this speech, but some information is given 
in Clarke MS. xxix. fol. 67 : — 

'May 15, 1657.— Since his Highnesse' late refusall of the 
title of King, the House has from day to day adjourned upon 
what should be the question of these three. 

1. Whether in course the advice should altogether be layd 
aside with the government and title indissolubly ? 

2. Whether since the governement profered by the humble 
advice of the House, being in it selfe so perfect and necessary 
for the happiness of the people, may not be retayned, 
and some other title fallen upon which may be more ac- 
ceptable? 

3. Whether the present title of Protector may not be fit to 
be retayned with the new perfect advice of governement, and 
such thinges as may be therein conceived inconsistent with 
this title may not be expunged, as House of Lords and such 
like, and the whole remnant remayne ? ' Tlie Clarke Papers, 
by C. H. Firth, vol. iii. p. ic8. 

'Friday, the 22nd May, 1657. Sir Lislebone Long reports 
from the Committee to whom it was referred to bound the title 
of Lord Protector, the Resolution of that Committee thereupon, 
in these words; viz. That your Highness will be pleased, by 
and under the name and style of Lord Protector of the 
Commonwealth of England, Scotland, and Ireland, and the 
dominions and territories thereunto belonging, to hold and 
exercise the Office of Chief Magistrate of these nations ; and 
to govern, according to this Petition and Advice, in all things 
therein contained ; and in all other things, according to the 
laws of the nations, and not otherwise.' A division was then 
taken on the question, That this House doth agree with the 
Committee : — 



476 NOTES 

1 Sir Lislebon Long (Tellers for the Yeas :) 

Mr. Wm. Lister { With the Yeas. J 53 

Attorney of the Duchy (Tellers for the Noes :) 
Mr. Grove ( With the Noes. J 5 ° 

So it was resolved, &c.' 

'Sat., May 23, 1657. Resolved, That the Clerk do rase out 
the Clause in the First Article in the Ingrossment of the 
Petition and Advice : and do insert the other clause in room 
thereof, according to the Votes yesterday. And the same was 
done at the Table, accordingly.' Commons' Journals, vol. vii. 
p. 538. A Committee was then appointed to wait on his High- 
ness, ' to know when this House shall attend his Highness with 
this humble Petition and Advice,' and his Highness appointed 
Monday morning at 10 o'clock, in the Painted Chamber ; see 
Speech 46. 

46. 

From Commons' Journals, vol. vii. p. 539. Other versions in 
Clarke MS. 29, fol. 75 b ; B. M. MS. Adds. Ayscough, 6125, fol. 81 ; 
also MS. of His Grace the Duke of Portland, noted by Historical 
Manuscripts Commission, 13th report, Appendix, Part I. p. 682 ; 
and Thurloe, vi. pp. 309-10. 

For chronology, see Note to Speech 37. 

' Monday, the 25th of May, 1657. The Serjeant brings Word, 
That Serjeant Middleton was at the Door, with a message from 
his Highness. And thereupon he was called in : And having 
made Two Obeisances to the House when he came into the 
Middle of the House, with his Mace in his hand, he declared to 
Mr. Speaker, That he is commanded by his Highness the Lord 
Protector, to let this House know, that his Highness is in 
the Painted Chamber ; and desires to speak with this honour- 
able House. And thereupon withdrew. Which being done, 
Mr. Speaker, attended by the House, went up to the Painted 
Chamber : Where being come, his Highness, attended by the 
Officers of State, came in : And thereupon, Mr. Speaker pre- 
sented the humble Petition and Advice, acquainting his High- 
ness with the Alteration made therein : Which was read : And, 
thereupon, Mr. Speaker, in the Name of the Parliament did 



NOTES 477 

desire his Highness 1 Consent to the whole Petition and Advice : 
To which his Highness gave his Consent ; and afterwards made 
a Speech to the House : Which being ended, he departed : 
And Mr. Speaker, with the House, returned to the Parliament- 
House.' Commons' Journals, vol. vii. p. 539. , 

47. 

From Commons' Journals, vol. vii. p. 552. 

Also given in The Publick Intelligencer, No. 86, and The 
Perfect Politician, p. 305, where we read ' : and understanding. 1 

Tuesday, June 9, 1657. (Serjeant Middleton having called 
the House to the Painted Chamber)—' Mr. Speaker after a pithy 
and short speech, touching the deliberate and grave proceedings 
of Parliament, did, in the name of the Parliament, present his 
Highness with two Bills for an Assessment towards the defray- 
ing of the charge of the Spanish War, and other occasions of 
the Commonwealth; together with divers other Bills, some of the 
public, and others of a more private concernment, being but 
as some grapes preceding the full vintage. The Titles of the 
Bills were read by the Clerk, and his Highness' answer unto 
them.' 

'Tuesday, June 9, 1657. Post Meridiem. Mr. Speaker 
reports his Highness' speech made this day to Parliament, upon 
the presenting of the Bills : which was as followeth.'— Commons' 
Journals, vol. vii. p. 552. 



48. 

From Commons 1 Journals, vol. vii. p. 579. 

Other versions in The Publick Intelligencer, No. 118; Mer- 
curius Politicus, No. 400; B.M. Harleian MS. 6801, ff. 282-7; 
and A Further Narrative of the Passages of these times in the 
Commonwealth of England, B. M., E. 1954 (4). 

Cromwell was installed as hereditary Protector on June 26, 
1657, in accordance with the humble Petition and Advice, and 
the House adjourned till Jan. 20, 165^. In the interval writs 
were issued for the other House, which now assembled together 



478 NOTES 

with the House of Commons to hear his Highness' speech. The 
two Houses were dissolved on Feb. 4, either in consequence of 
the differences that quickly arose between them, or because it 
had been decided to call a fresh Parliament with a view to still 
further improving the Constitution. 

'Wednesday, 20th January, 1657 . . . The House being ac- 
quainted, That the Usher of the Black Rod was at the Door, 
with some Message to this House ; He was called in ; And, 
having made his Obeisance, and approaching towards the 
Middle of the House, with the Rod in his Hand, he acquainted 
the House, That his Highness is in the Lords House, and stays 
for this House. Resolved, That the Serjeant at Arms attending 
this House do stand by Mr. Speaker, bearing his Mace upon his 
Shoulder, whilst this House are with his Highness, as formerly he 
was appointed to do. This House thereupon went, accordingly, 
to the Lords House, to his Highness.' Commons' Journals, vii. 
p. 579. On the following day Mr. Speaker made report to the 
House of the speech made by his Highness. 

' The Parliament met according to their adjournment, and 
the Members of the other House summoned by Writ met, and 
sat in the Lords House, as the Lords used to do formerly. The 
Protector came thither, and the Speaker with the House of 
Commons, being sent for by the Black Rod, came to the Lords 
House, where the Protector made a solemn speech to them, but 
was short by reason of his indisposition of health; and after 
him, the Lord Commissioner Fiennes spake to them more at 
large.' Memorials of the English Affairs, p. 666. 

P. 358. See the Declaration of the two Houses, March 9, 
1642, respecting the causes of their fears, which gives reasons 
for the expectation 'that his Majesty had some great design in 
hand, for the altering of religion, [and] the breaking the neck 
of his Parliament,' a design that ' had been potently carried on 
by those in greatest authority about him for divers years 
together.' Clarendon's History of the Rebellion, iv. 332. The 
Declaration of Aug. 2, 1642, printed in Pari. Hist. vi. p. 350, is 
also very similar. 

P. 362. 'The root and the branches.' Cromwell no doubt 
had in his mind the Bill for the complete abolition of Episcopacy, 



NOTES 479 

the Root and Branch Bill, read in the Commons on May 27, 
1641. The Protestation referred to is 'The humble petition 
and protestation of all the bishops and prelates now called by 
his Majesty's writs to attend the Parliament, and present about 
London and Westminster for that service.' In this, 'they do 
in all duty and humility protest, before your Majesty and the 
Peers of that most honourable House of Parliament, against all 
laws, orders, votes, resolutions, and determinations, as in them- 
selves null and of none effect, which in their absence, since the 
seven and twentieth of this instant month of December, 1641, 
have already passed : as likewise against all such as shall 
hereafter pass in that most honourable House during the time 
of this their forced and violent absence from the said most 
honourable House &c.' 'The House of Commons took very 
little time to consider of the matter, but, within half an hour, 
they sent up to the Lords, and, without further examination, 
accused them all who had subscribed the protestation of high 
treason ; and by this means, they were all, the whole twelve of 
them, committed to prison, and remained in the Tower till 
the Bill for the putting them out of the House was passed, 
which was not till many months after.' Clarendon's History of 
the Rebellion, iv. 14 1-2. 

P. 365. The 'honourable person' is Lord Commissioner 
Fiennes. 'Which particulars were afterwards delivered in a 
grave and eloquent speech at large, by the Lord Fiennes, one 
of the Lords Commissioners of the great Seal.' Publick Intelli- 
gencer. His speech is to be found in Commons' Journals, vii. 
pp. 582-7. 

49. 

From Lansdowne MS. 754, ff. 33 - 1 - 

Other versions in B. M. Sloane MS. 2905 (imperfect) ; B. M. 
MS. Adds. Ayscough, 6125, ff. 82 b-93 (imperfect) ; also MS. of 
His Grace the Duke of Portland, noted by Historical Manuscripts 
Commission, 13th report, Appendix, Part I. p. 682. 

■ Monday, the 25th of January, 1657. A letter from his High- 
ness the Lord Protector, directed, To our right trusty and right 
well beloved Sir Thomas Widdrington, Speaker of our House 



480 NOTES 

of Commons ; to be communicated to the House ; dated the 
twenty-fifth January instant, was this day read : and was to 
give his Highness a meeting, at the Banqueting-House at 
Whitehall, at three of the clock this afternoon. 

Resolved, That this House do give his Highness the Lord 
Protector a meeting, at the Banqueting-House in Whitehall, at 
three of the clock this afternoon, as is desired.' Commons' 
Journals, vol. vii. p. 587. 

' The House did attend his Highness accordingly, when his 
Highness made a very long, plain, and serious speech, relating 
to the state of our affairs at home and abroad, and our dangers 
and necessities ; inviting us to unite, and not stand upon 
circumstances. It held till night, that we could not see to 
write. Mr. Speaker desired me to take notes, and Mr. Smythe 
and I went to York House to Mr. Rushworth, that we might 
confer notes ; but it was so long that we could not get it 
ready to report it next morning.' Diary of Thomas Burton, 
vol. ii. p. 351. 

In the Commons'' Journals, vol. vii. p. 5S9, we find that 
Mr. Speaker reported this speech to the House, ' And further, 
That his Highness desired, That this House should be acquainted, 
That his Highness intended to have imparted to them a Paper 
concerning the State of the publick Monies : which he had not 
then ready with him: but that the House should have it, 
whenever they should desire the same.' 

Whitelocke also says in his Memorials, page 673, ' he exhorted 
them to unity, and to the observance of their own Rules in the 
Petition and Advice ; and gave them a state of the public 
accounts, and good counsel.' 

' This afternoon, by command, both Houses met his Highness 
in the Banqueting Hall, where he made a very pious and 
eloquent speech, tending to unity amongst themselves, and 
provision against the common enemies of the nation.' Calendar 
of (Domestic) State Papers, p. 273. 

It will be noticed that this speech is incomplete, as his 
Highness makes no mention of his Paper concerning the state 
of the Public Monies. If Whitelocke also reports correctly, 
' he gave them a state of the public accounts.' 



NOTES 481 

P. 369. Mr. Rutt mentions the pamphlet by J. B. Stouppe. 
'A collection of the several papers sent to his Highness the 
Lord Protector . . . concerning the bloody and barbarous 
massacres, murthers, and other cruelties, committed on many 
thousands of Reformed or Protestants dwelling in the valleys 
of Piedmont, by the Duke of Savoy's forces, &c, 1655.' B. M., 
E. 842 (11). He adds, 'Milton, as Latin secretary, wrote letters 
in the Protector's name ... to the Duke of Savoy, the Prince 
of Transylvania, the King of Sweden, the Protestant Swiss 
Cantons, the King of Denmark, the King of France, and 
Cardinal Mazarine.' Mr. Morel and, who published, in 1658, 
a ' History of the Evangelical Churches of the Vallies of 
Piedmont,' was sent ambassador to the Duke of Savoy, and 
'the Protector appointed a solemn day of humiliation to be 
kept, and a large contribution to be gathered throughout the 
nation' (Whitelocke, 1732, p. 629.) 'The sum raised was 
38,000?. besides 2000, immediately contributed by himself.' 
Diary of Thomas Burton, vol. ii. p. 354. 

P. 369. Emperors : Ferdinand III, 1637—57. Leopold I, 
1658-1705 (King of Hungary, 1655). 

Brandenburg:— Friedrich-Wilhelm, 1640-88, the 'Great 
Elector.' 

Denmark :— Frederik III, 1648-70. 

Sweden: — Karl X Gustaf, 1654-60. 

France :— Louis XIV, 1643- 17 15. 

Spain :— Felipe IV, 1621-65. 

Bavaria :— Ferdinand, 1651-77. 

Pope : — Alexander VII. 
The death of Ferdinand III, and the question of the succession, 
occupy much space in contemporary letters : — 

' The emperor's death is confirmed by letters from Vienna of 
the 10th instant [April, 1657], which came the last night to 
courte ; and that he has left the regence of the empire for the 
present in the hands of the arch-duke Leopoldus. They have 
resolved here to dispiitch Monsr. de Lyonne and another person 
(but whom I cannot yet learne) into Germany, to the princes 
and free-states of the empire, to prevent, if possible, the electin 
of any of the house of Austria. The Duke of Saxonie, they say, 

I i 



482 NOTES 

is turn'd Catholique, and will stand for it. If it be true, that 
he has changed his religion, he will certaynly have the electors 
of Triers and Mentz for him, and his owne voice will be three. 
What the electors of Brandenburgh and the Palatine will doe, 
is not easily conjectured. For the house of Austria will cer- 
taynly bee the electors of Collogne and Bavaria, together with 
an army of 50,000. Soe as lett the electors bee disposed howe 
they will, the event of a new war is likeliest to determine who 
shall bee emperour ; to which issue the French and Swede will 
bring, if they can, and probably the Duke of Brandenburgh. 
God's providence has soe disposed of this affayre, as that 'tis 
likely to produce one of the greatest changes, that has happened 
for some ages in Christendom.' Thurloe, vi. 196-7. 

P. 371. 'a poor Prince' refers to the difficulties of the King 
of Sweden and his war with Denmark, a Protestant State. 

50. 

From Commons' Journals, vol. vii. p. 589. 

' His Highness answered them that his speech he could not 
remember, nor had he any copy thereof to be printed. That 
[he] was sworn to maintain the Privilege of Parliament, and for 
them to come as a Committee, without a conjunction of a Com- 
mittee of the other House, was in his judgement a great breach 
of Privilege, and therefore [he] could not take cognizance of 
their message. This put the Commons yesterday and today 
upon a debate of the power of the other House, what they shall 
be called &c.' Clarke MS. 30, fol. 15. 

The Committee, to whom this speech was made, had been 
empowered by the House to ask his Highness to give directions 
as to the printing of his speech, delivered on Monday, January 
25 ; to move his Highness to communicate and deliver to them 
the Paper concerning the state of the Public Monies, which he 
mentioned on that occasion ; and to acquaint his Highness that 
the House would take the matters imparted to them in that 
speech into serious and speedy consideration. After his 
Highness' answer had been reported, the House went into 
debate touching the Appellation of the other House, and were 
so engaged, among other business, till the dissolution. 



NOTES 483 



51. 



From B. M. Lansdowne MS. 754, fol. 342. 
Other versions in Clarke MS. 30, fol. 17; and Philips MS., 
edited in the ' Parliamentary History.' 

At the conclusion of this speech, Philips MS., reprinted in 
the ' Parliamentary History,' adds : ' At this many of the Com- 
mons cried out, Amen.' Clarki MS. 30 also concludes, 'many 
of the Commons cried Amen, and so the Parliament was dis- 
solved.' MS. Tanner ends, ' I therefore now dissolve you.' 
'Behemoth, by T. H. of Malmsbury, 1680,' p. 267, Bodleian, 
Wood 213, ends thus: 'By the living God I must and do 
dissolve you.' 

Tanner MS. 51, and others, describe the hurry and anger in 
which the Protector dismissed the two Houses, mostly attribut- 
ing it to a petition of Fifth Monarchy or Commonwealth's men. 
Much of this information may safely be dismissed as mere 
gossip. The speech here printed, being of greater length than 
in other reports, is hardly of the kind to be made in a hurry. 
The Protector evidently discussed at length his and the 
Parliament's position towards the humble Petition and Advice, 
reproaching the House of Commons for having misled him, 
and justifying a dissolution by relating the present dangers. 
It will be seen that many of the sentences are incomplete, and 
to this must be attributed the appearance of haste. No doubt 
the speech came as a surprise to the hearers, who may have 
been quite unready to report the Protector, if not unwilling 
to misrepresent him. The purpose of dissolving this Parliament 
was to call another, and by April 3 we find that, 'The 
Privy Council of his Highness and another Council of the 
Army have been this week in debate of the great business of 
calling a Parliament, which it is thought will sit in May next, 
and likewise of a more future and more absolute settlement.' 
Clarke MS. 30, fol. 75. His Highness' action was supported 
as usual by loyal addresses from Corporations, Officers, and 
Regiments. 

I i % 



484 NOTES 

52. 

From Tanner MS. li. fol. I, Bodleian. 

' On Saturday his Highness called together all the Officers of 
the Army that could readily be warned about the town, and it 
is said there were two hundred to whom he spake in a very 
large discourse of about two hours. Upon the conclusion 
thereof they gave a plauditory acclamation, and some of them 
I have spoken with say it gave a general satisfaction to them 
all.' Clarke MS. 30, fol. 18. 

' All the Officers of the Army attended his Highness on 
Saturday last in the Banqueting House, where they were 
entertained with a speech of two hours long, which made 
them afresh resolve to stand and fall, live and die with my 
Lord Protector.' Letter from S. Hartlib to Dr. Pell, Feb. 11, 
1657, London, quoted in Pari. Hist., vol. xxi. p. 205. 

1 1657. Feb. 13, London: — On this day sevennight his High- 
ness made a long speech to all the officers of the army, setting 
forth the story of our times from 30. Caroli, and therein his 
own, and how that the authority he hath is a thing far from 
his own seeking : as also of his calling this Parliament, where- 
unto, being advised by his council, he yielded, though he 
professed it, in his own judgement, no way seasonable. Next 
of the necessity of his dissolving it, in order to the public 
safety, professing his zeal thereto, and intention to govern by 
the laws, except in case of urgent necessity, wherein he must 
be constrained to have recourse to extraordinary ways : but it 
seems his rhetoric did not charm them all, for I hear that 17 
or 18 have either laid down their commissions, or that they 
are taken from them, &c.' MS. of His Grace the Duke of 
Sutherland; Historical Manuscripts Commission, vol. v. p. 177. 

53. 

From 'A Discovery made by his Highness the Lord Pro- 
tector, &c, on Friday, March the 12, 1657/ B. M.,E. 1644 (2). 

'Last week the Protector sent for the Lord Mayor and 
Common Council and made them a speech above two 



NOTES 485 

hours, &c.' Calendar of (Domestic) State Papers, 1657-58, 
p. 328. 

The same heads of this speech are given in Mercurius 
Politicus, No. 407, where the writer ends, . . . but having no 
notes to help my memory, and being afraid lest I may already 
have fallen short in relating the heads of what was more 
copiously and much better spoken, I have only this to add, 
that the citizens expressed much cheerfulness in the presence 
of his Highness, and departed with very great satisfaction ; the 
good effects whereof will shortly appear by their actings for 
the public peace and safety.' 

The same account appears in the Pablick Intelligencer, No. 115, 
and a brief account in Clarke MS. 30, fol. 206. 



54. 

From Mercurius Politicus, No. 407. 

Also in the Publick Intelligencer, No. 116. 

55. 

From Mercurius Politicus, 412. 

In conclusion, we are reminded by Mercurius Politicus, 
No. 420, that his Highness up to the last had to make those 
little complimentary speeches, of which we have so good an 
example in No. 30. On this occasion, June 16, 1658, he had to 
receive the French Ambassadors, when ' This afternoon being 
the time appointed by his Highness to give them audience, 
they were attended hither in his Highness coach by the 
Master of the ceremonies about five-a-clock, they being accom- 
panied by the most noble Lord, the Lord Fauconbridge, with 
divers other lords and persons of quality, who conducted them 
to their audience, which his Highness gave them standing 
under a Cloth of Estate. And the Duke of Crequi, speaking 
in French, signified to this effect, that he was sent from his 
Majesty of France to make a return of congratulation to his 
Highness concerning the affairs of this campaign, particularly 
touching the prosperous successes of the united forces of both 
Ii3 



486 NOTES 

nations ; as also to assure his Highness of the high esteem his 
Majesty hath of his friendship, and that he shall not be 
wanting upon any occasion to testify his earnest desire to 
maintain the amity and good correspondence happily estab- 
lished with his Highness, &c. 

The like was expressed by Monsieur Mancini, nephew of the 
Cardinal, in the name of his Eminency. 

To both which his Highness gave answers in brief, with the 
like returns of honour and affection, to manifest his high 
esteem of so great and good an ally as his Majesty of France, 
as also of his chief Minister, the Cardinal. 

After this his Highness renewed the compliments of those 
noble persons that came along with them, and so the ceremony 
ended, &c.' 

Similar speeches were made on June 19, when they departed, 
and his Highness ' being desirous to give all demonstrations of 
respect and honour to his Majesty of France, and his chief 
Minister the Cardinal, was pleased at the departure of these 
noble persons to pass with them from that room, and so along 
the next, to the door of his guard-chamber, and there he 
dismissed them, &c.' Merc. Pol. 421. 



INDEX 



A. 

Act of Government, see Instru- 
ment. 

Agitators, 6, 13. 14, 29, 38, 39, 
45> 7o- 

'Agreement of the People,' the, 
26-69. 

Alexander VII, Pope, 226, 370. 

Allen, Mr., 7, 18, 19, 29, 62, 66, 
68. 

Anabaptists, 173, 239, 347. 

Approbation of Ministers, 140, 
188, 241, 242, 344-7. 

Army, the : councils and de- 
bates, see Speeches 3-8, 10, 15, 
33? 37> 5 2 > 53 5 Declarations 
and Engagements of, 33-68 ; 
share of the Officers in the 
settlement, 86, 100, 116, 117, 
T 56, 157, 261-3, see a l so 
Major-Generals, and Parlia- 
ment ; establishment, 166, 348 ; 
arrears of pay, 204, 380, 381 ; 
endeavours to pervert, 186, 
380, 396-8 ; discipline of, 
190. 

Ascham, Anthony, 216, 217. 

Austria, Don John of, 221, 231 ; 
House of, 369. 

Awdeley, Captain, 40, 58. 

B. 

Baltic, the, 142, 372. 
Baptists, 188, 239. 
Bavaria, Duke of, 369. 
Bedfordshire man, 39. 



Beverning, Dutch Commis- 
sioner, 123. 

Bishops, references to, 90, 189. 
190 ; their Protestation, 362. 

Brandenburg, Elector of, 369. 

Bray, Captain, 69. 

Broghill, Lord, 286. 

Bruges, city of, 221, 400. 

Buff-Coat, a, 29, 41, 46, 47. 



C. 

Canterbury, Archbishop of, 227. 

Cantons, the, 220. 

' Case of the Army Truly stated.' 
26, 64, 66. 

Carter, Captain, 62. 

Cavalier Party, Declaration 
against, 224, 227 ; references 
to, 183, 187, 220-34, 341, 379, 
380, 384, 392, 397, 399. 

Chamberlaine, Mr., 41. 

Chancery, the, 139. 

Channel, the, 372. 

Charles I, King, see Army de- 
bates throughout ; King by 
contract, 63 ; an obstinate 
man, 70 ; brought to justice, 
86, 89 ; leaves Parliament, 90. 

Charles II, King, see Wales, 
Prince of. 

Chillenden, Lieutenant, 25, 47, 
60, 66. 

Clanricarde, Lord, 76. 

Clarke, Captain, 7, 58. 

Clerk of the Crown, the, 160. 

Cologne, 225. 



488 



INDEX 



Commissary-General, the, see 
Ireton. 

Commissioners of the Army, n, 
13, 18, 21, 25. 

Commissioners of the Long Par- 
liament, 8, 9, 10, 14, 16. 

Commissioners of the Seal, 156. 

Commissioners to qualify Mem- 
bers, 335. 

Commonwealth's men, referred 
to, 185, 187, 230, 231, 395 ; 
their Declaration, 228 ; and 
Petition, 229. 

Confederate Catholics of Ireland, 
76. 

Connaught, 76. 

Conscience, liberty of, 163, 164, 
189, 238-40, 359, 360. 

Cornwall and Cornishmen, 205, 
240, 247. 

Council of State (Long Parlia- 
ment), 79. 

Council of State, creation of, 
117, 118; speeches of Oliver 
Cromwell in, 122, 124. 

Cowling, Commissary, 49, 54, 
56, 62. 

Cromwell, Oliver, for speeches 
see List of Contents. 

Custodes Libertatum Angliae, 
294, 342. 

D. 

Deane, Adjutant-General, 49. 

Denmark, war with, 219 ; peace 
with, 142, 235 ; Protestant 
interest in, 220. 

Devon, 240. 

Disbrow, Major, 24. 

Dublin, speech of Oliver Crom- 
well, 80. 

Dutch, see Holland. 

E. 

Edinburgh Castle, 229. 

Eleven Members, the, 8, 9, 12, 

13, 18, 22. 
Elizabeth, Queen, 215, 216, 295, 

373, 374- 
Episcopal Electors, 369. 
Episcopal Party, 377, 378. 



Essex, Lord, 299. 
Estwicke, Sheriff, 85. 
Everard, Mr., 49, 50, 61. 



Fairfax, Sir Thomas, 6, 8, 9, ir, 
12, 13, 26, 65 ; interview with 
Committee, 82-5; is willing 
to resign Commission, 84. 

Feake, Mr., 329. 

Fifth Monarchy, 134, 211, 230, 

231, 383. 

Fines (or Fiennes), Lord Com- 
missioner, 282, 286, 365. 

France, war with, 137, 219 ; 
treaty with, 143, 172; inde- 
pendent of the Pope, 218; 
recreations in, 254 ; position 
in Europe, 373 ; children sent 
to, 341. 

French Church in London, 122. 

G. 

Gal way, 381. 

Germany, Protestants in, 216, 
220 ; success to the Empire, 

369- 
Goffe, Lieutenant-Colonel, 40, 

48, 49, 66, 67, 68. 
Gospel, the, possession of, 361, 

385 ; propagation of, 81, 109 ; 

see also Ministry. 
Grisons, the, 370. 
Guildford, Mayor of, 124. 

H. 

Hamilton, Duke of, 83, 333. 

Hampden, John, conversation 
with Oliver Cromwell, 299. 

Harrison, Major-General, 329. 

' Heads of the Proposals,' pre- 
paration of, 4, 6, 10. 

Helvetia, 220. 

Hewson, Colonel, 55. 

High Court of Justice, 402. 

Holland, war with, 137 ; peace 
with, 142, 235 ; Puritans 
driven to, 359; helped by 
Queen Elizabeth, 374. 



INDEX 



489 



Horse-racings, &c, 254. 
Hungary, King of, 369. 



I. 

Inchiquin, Lord, 76. 

4 Incumbrances,' 98, 339. 

Independents, the, 188, 239, 347, 

383. 

' Instrument of Government, 
for Convention Parliament, 
86, 117 ; for first Protectorate 
Parliament, preparation of, 
155 ; references to, 138, 155, 
160-3, i 6 5> l66 , l6 9> I 7i 5 I 7 2 , 
179, 190, 193, 204. 

Ireland, Army deserters sent to, 
9 ; speech of Oliver Cromwell 
as to command in, 71 ; reasons 
for invading, 74-7 ; hostile 
forces there, 76 ; details of the 
army of invasion, 79 ; cha- 
racter of the inhabitants, 77, 
81 ; speech of Oliver Crom- 
well on arrival, 80 ; and on 
return from, 81, 82 ; settle- 
ment of, 145, 381, 384 ; Lord 
Taafe and rebels, 232 ; Spanish 
invasion of, 216 ; pay of the 
Army in, 381 ; qualifications 
against rebels, 334 ; Popish 
and Spanish interests in, 382. 

Ireton, 6-8, 13, 15, 18, 19, 25, 
26, 29, 34, 42, 46, 55, 56, 57, 
59, 60, 69. 



James I, King, 216, 295. 

Jesuits, 136, 223, 374. 

Jews, the, their forms of go- 
vernment, 64, 196 ; question 
of admission to England, 208. 

Joyce, Cornet, 24. 

Jubbes, Lieutenant-Colonel, 66. 

Judges, the, 8, 156, 159. 295, 
338 ; speech of Oliver Crom- 
well to, 206. 

Justices of the Peace, 159, 209, 
342. 



K. 

Kingship, offered to Cromwell 
in 1653, 262 ; before the House 
in 1657, 261 ; Cromwell's opi- 
nions on, 262, 264, 270-2, 
275, 287, 288-306, 307-15. 
351-3. 

L. 

Lambert, Colonel, 8, 62. 

Law, the, 98, 139, 242, 243, 244, 

294, 339, 340. 
Leinster, 76. 
Lenthall, Mr., Master of the 

Rolls, 284. 
Leopold, Archduke, King of 

Hungary, 231. 
Levellers, 80, 130, 131, 187, 228. 
Lilburne, Lieutenant - Colonel , 

63. 

Lincolnshire men, 205. 

Lisle, Lord Commissioner, 286. 

Lockyer, Mr., 46. 

London, City of: speeches of 
Oliver Cromwell to Lord 
Mayor, &c, 81, 172, 208, 398 ; 
entertainment of Oliver Crom- 
well, 158; petitions and ad- 
dresses from, 85, 186, 401, 
402 ; militia, 8, 9, 24, 210, 
401 ; apprentices, 24 ; the Re- 
corder, 82 ; the Town Clerk, 82. 

Lord Chief Justice, 280, 282,285. 

Lords, House of, in Long Par- 
liament, 62, 86, 89; in Pro- 
tectorate Parliament, 336, 391, 
392. 395 5 speeches to, 357, 
365, 388. 

M. 

Madrid, 231. 
Magna Charta, 163. 
Major-Generals, 209, 210, 232-4, 

263, 264, 342. 
Manners, reformation of, 241, 

254. 34o. 
Manning, Henry, death of, 225. 
Marston Moor, rising at, 228. 
Mary, Queen, 215, 218. 



490 



INDEX 



Master of the Rolls, see Lenthall. 
Merriman, Captain, 46. 
Militia, the, 165, 193, 194, 208. 
Mills, Colonel, 262. 
Ministry, the, 133, 188, 206, 259, 

269, 329, 330, 363 ; see also 

Approbation. 
Monk, General, 229. 
Moravia, 369. 
Munster, 76. 

N. 

Navy, the, 137, 348. 

Naylor, James, 264. 

Neuburg, Duke of, 221. 

Neuters, 101. 

New England, 165, 359. 

New Representative, Act for, 

see under Long Parliament. 
Northumberland, rising in, 228. 

O. 

Officers of the Army, see Army. 
Ormond, Lord, 76, 399, 400. 



P. 

Papists, 76, 208, 220, 222, 321, 
367-71? 374, 382. 

Parliament, The Long : 

Army Votes of, 3-5 ; Act of 
Indemnity, 4; Vote of No 
Addresses, 70; Acts of, 153, 
304, 321 ; Declarations of, 
21, 322, 358 ; Members im- 
peached, 9, 12, 13, 22, 25 ; 
proposal to change name 
of, 290 ; speeches by Oliver 
Cromwell to, 1-3, 70, 80 ; 
account of proceedings after 
Worcester and dissolution, 
91-104, 149-53, 319-28. 

— the Convention : 

letter of summons to, 87 ; 
speech to, 86 ; numbers of, 
112; an Instrument read to, 
117; account of, by Oliver 
Cromwell, 153, 154, 262, 263, 
328-330. 



Parliament, First Protectorate : 
speeches to, 127, 147, 173; 
Indenture, 160, 176 ; De- 
claration of. 176 ; account 
of, by Oliver Cromwell, 263. 

— Second Protectorate (first Session) : 

speeches to, 211, 255, 256, 
26 4, 273, 350, 353, 356; 
speeches to Committees of, 
268, 277, 288, 307, 316 ; 
Oliver Cromwell objects to 
the meeting of, 263. 

— Second Session (with House of 

Lords) : speeches to, 357, 
365, 388 ; speech to Com- 
mittee of House of Com- 
mons, 387. 
Petition and Advice, the hum- 
ble, 261-356, 357, 359, 388- 

97- 
Pettus, Mr., 55, 56, 60, 61. 
Petty, Mr., 41. 

Philip II, King of Spain, 218. 
Piedmontese, the, 369, 370. 
Poland, 370, 371. 
Portugal, war with, 137 ; peace 

with, 143. 
Presbyterians, 101, 108,173, 239, 

346, 383- 
Preston, 76. 

Prisoners, 8, 9. 13, 247. 
Protectorship, for arguments of 

Oliver Cromwell in favour of, 
see Kingship. 
Putney, Army debates at, 26, 

49, 62, 69. 

R. 

Rainborow, Major, 56. 

— Colonel, 6, 28, 34, 35, 46, 48, 

50, 52, 54, 56, 58, 60, 66, 68. 
Reade, Lieutenant-Colonel, 61. 
Reading, Army debates at, 5. 
Recognition, the, 171, 176, 177, 

178. 
Reformadoes, the, 9. 
Revenue, the, 138, 144, 166, 199, 

236, 244, 247, 248, 337, 342, 

347, 375, 388. 
Rich, Colonel, 25. 



INDEX 



491 



Koch ester, Earl of, 225. 
Rolfe, Captain, 60, 61. 
Rufford Abbey, rising at, 228. 

S. 

Sadler, Mr., 82. 

Saffron Walden Church, 3. 

St. Albans, 17. 

Salisbury, rising at, 228. 

Scotland, hostility of, 73-75 '» 
reasons for invading, 82-85 ; 
National League and Cove- 
nant, 82-84, 186, 204, 206 ; 
speech to Members for, 206 ; 
election qualifications, 333 : 
army in, 381 ; settlement of, 
382/384. 

Scotton, Lieutenant, 24. 

Scriptures, referred to : Judges 
viii. 20, 21, p. 184. 1 Samuel 
xxv, p. 301. Job xxxiii. 14, 
p. 202. Pss. ix. 16, p. 182 ; 
xxviii, p. 364 ; xl. 5, p. 128 ; 
xlii. 11, p. 202; xlvi. 
(Luther's), pp. 254, 255 ; lviii. 
4, P- 385 ; lxviii. 22, p. 115 ; 
lxxviii. 4-7, p. 174; lxxxv, pp. 
252, 253, s6o > 359- 62 ; cx - 3> 
p. no ; cxviii, pp. 255, 385. 
Prov. xxviii. 3, p. 185. 
Eccles. ii. 19, p. 196. Isa. i. 
26, p. 196 ; xli. 19, p. 108 ; 
xlii. 8, p. 200 ; xliii. 21, pp. 
in, 182; lvii. p. 232; lviii. 
12, p. 365; lx. p. 115. Ezek. 
xxvi. 18, p. 115. Dan. ii. 44, 
p. 114. Hos. xi. 12, p. 106. 
John viii. 7, p. 63. Rom. xii, 
p. 109. Rom. xvi. 17, p. 385. 
Thess., p. 221. 1 Timothy, 
p. 131. Heb. x, p. 203. Jude, 

pp. 131, 135. 
Self-Denying Ordinance, 1-3. 
Sexby, Mr., 24-27, 56-58, 68. 
— Colonel, 211. 
Sheriffs, the, 160. 
Shrewsbury, rising in, 228. 
Silesia, 369. 
Skippon, Major-General, 3, 4, 

210. 



Somerset, county of, 240. 

Spain, King of, 218 ; hostility 
to England, 214-222 ; Decla- 
ration against, 216. 

States General, the, 123. 

Stuart, Charles, see Wales, 
Prince of. 

Sweden, Whitelocke consents to 
go to, 118; treaty with, 126; 
peace with, 141, 235 ; speech 
to the Ambassador of, 207 ; 
King of, 207, 371. 

Switzerland, 30, 370. 



Taaffe, Viscount, 76, 232. 

Tower of London, 210, 226, 
336. 

Triers, the, see Approbation, Com- 
mittee of. 

1 True State of the Case of the 
Commonwealth,' 192. 

Tulida, Major, 21, 22, 25. 

Tythes, 240, 241. 

U. 

Ulster, 76. 

Universities, the, 241, 242. 

Uxbridge, 17, 21, 22. 

V. 

Vote of No Addresses, 70. 



W. 

Wagstaffe, Sir Joseph, 225. 

Wales, Church in, 97, 98. 

Wales, North, rising in, 228. 

Wales, Prince of, declared King 
of Scotland, 74 ; alliance with 
Papists in Ireland, 76 ; under- 
standing with the Scotch, 83 ; 
forces in Flanders, &c, 210, 
211, 375, 39 6 > 4°°> 402 ; for 
his party in England, see 
Cavaliers. 

Waller, Sir Hardress, 60, 61, 
79- 



492 



West Indies, 216. 

Westminster Hall, Courts of 
Law, 139, 157, 324, 325 ; Pro- 
tector installed in, 156, 157. 

White, Major, 49, 54, 55. 

Wight, Isle of, 247. 

Wildman, Mr., 34,42, 43, 44, 46, 
48, 56, 69. 

Wolseley, Sir Charles. 285. 



INDEX 

Worcester, battle of, 90, 319. 
Y. 



York, city and county of, 21, 
159- 



Zeba and Zalmunna, 185. 



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